In his classical book “Imagined Communities”, Benedict Anderson attempted to outline the historic causes and process that lead to the rise and spread of nationalism all over the world, and in doing so came up with some innovative ideas, such as that of “imagined communities”, “limited pilgrimages”, and “modularity”. He dived his analysis in four different phases, placing the formation of post-colonial nations within the so-called “last wave” of nationalism, and claimed that they had been shaped by their colonisers, and that they were merely “copying” the models that had been previously created by American and European nations.
I argue that Anderson’s reflections are severely limited by his approach, namely historic materialism. Anderson provides a wealth of insights and good general theories on the rise and spread of nations and nationalisms, but his analysis is limited to visible phenomena, political and social structures, while failing to acknowledge the cultural and “spiritual” dimension. Anderson is mainly concerned with highlighting patterns and similarities between nations and nationalisms, while ignoring differences and specificities, and how the post-colonial process evolved throughout the decades. When it comes to explaining the process of nation-building in post-colonial societies (“The Last Wave”), he focuses excessively on the role of colonial states and the structures they left behind, while ignoring to look at “Who imagines what, when, and how?” Moreover, his analysis is hugely limited by the fact that he only studied the cases of Dutch-ruled Indies and French-ruled Indochina, and after comparing the two cases, extended his conclusions to all post-colonial nations at large.

Submitted as my master's thesis at Oxford, this paper addresses a lacuna in contemporary postcolonial and world literary scholarship by focusing on the under-articulated area of Burmese representation in the novel form during the post-British empire period. Focusing on two novels of modern Burma produced in two different historical and literary contexts by Ma Ma Lay and Wendy Law-Yone, my analysis draws on the theoretical frameworks of Partha Chatterjee and Walter D. Mignolo to identify how multiple iterations of Burmese modernities and identities have been imagined and produced in negotiation with dominant discourses of Western hegemony and the versions of history they promulgate.

Q2) Trace the genealogy of the concept of the 'popular' and 'popular culture' keeping in mind the political implications of such a genealogy by also elaborating upon related concepts such as the nationalpopular, mass culture, subcultures and countercultures. [Immediate references: the texts of Bourdieu, Forgacs, Hebdige, Chatterjee and Hall.)

Rabindranath Tagore’s literature spanned the most glorious years of Indian history. Large-scale social reforms were introduced, both by the colonial rulers and the colonized society, the prime target of which were women. Tagore, in his literature, exposed the unjust social structure that oppressed women on one hand and created spirited women who defied tradition on the other. Rabindranath Tagore displayed an outstanding understanding of the women’s psyche and encouraged greater freedom and decision-making power for women in the family and the larger
society. Satyajit Ray translated many of his works into films and while borrowing Tagore’s imagination, added his own insight. It is this representation of the “new woman” that I aim to examine through their great pieces [Broken Nest (Nashtanir) & Charulata] and the difference in its representation owing to the different context of time.

Uno spettro si aggira per il mondo globalizzato: lo spettro di Antonio Gramsci. Sono in tanti a evocarlo: intellettuali sovversivi e filosofi rapper, compassati analisti politici e acuti studiosi di fenomeni culturali. Sopravvissuto alla disfatta dei suoi commentatori ufficiali, l’autore dei Quaderni del carcere continua a godere di una popolarità che sfiora il trionfo postumo.
All’incrocio tra rigore argomentativo e narrazione disinvolta, Michele Filippini esamina gli orientamenti dei tanti gramscismi. Dai linguaggi ribelli delle comunità afroamericane alle strategie egemoniche dei think tank neoconservatori, dalle riflessioni sul postcolonialismo alle pieghe della mass culture, da sinistra a destra, da destra a sinistra, viene fuori un ritratto inedito e sconosciuto del comunista sardo. Un’immagine lontana anni luce dalla liturgica iconografia in bianco e nero del profondo Novecento.
Cosmopolite, metropolitane, profetiche, cinematografiche, radicali, reazionarie, distorte, allucinate, paranoiche, ma sempre e comunque pop, le interpretazioni considerate in queste pagine compongono le visioni di un Gramsci globale.

Anti-colonialism is a scam today.
It is the ideological abode of new forms of capital accumulation, symbolised by the Capitalist International of the Postcolonial Immigrant and Silicon Valley.
Anti-colonialism propels the intensification of the 'social death' of black people.

The 2013 publication of Vivek Chibber’s book Postcolonial Theory and the Specter of Capital has reignited debates over the relative merits and demerits of Marxism and postcolonialism. This article reviews the debate and raises some critical questions about Chibber’s engagement with questions pertaining to universalism and capitalist development. Focusing on Chibber’s critique of Dipesh Chakrabarty’s Provincializing Europe, the article contends that whereas Chibber is right in arguing for a concept of universal history, the approach he offers towards this end pushes in the direction of Eurocentrism. As an alternative, the article proposes the possibility of crafting passages from Marxism to postcolonialism in order to move beyond Eurocentrism in the historical-sociological study of capitalist development.

It would not be out of context to take note of the two titles in which Partha Chatterjee’s book on the Bhawaal sannyasi case has appeared in the public domain. The version I have quoted from (in this paper) is titled
'The Price and the Sannyasi' – which looks to be a script on the identity puzzle. The Prince and the Sannyasi is however subtitled 'The Kumar of Bhawal and the Secret History of Indian Nationalism'. One could read “the secret history of Indian nationalism” as the crypted history of community might. In that sense, the main title gives shape to what is foregrounded and the subtitle gives form to the foreclosed. In yet another sense, the identity battle between the prince and the sannyasi is the delusional veil which covers, hides – hides as it holds – the secret history of Indian nationalism or the crypt of the might of an imagined community. The book was however first published under the title 'A Princely Impostor? The Strange and Universal History of the Kumar of Bhawal'. This title tends to mark in the case of the prince and the sannyasi of Bhawal the universal history of all identity puzzles and the universal difficulty of establishing the truth of identity. Where is the work of the particular then? In the “secret history of Indian nationalism”? Or in community might as the foreclosed and the crypted universal of law?

This paper delineates the problematic of state and civil society set
out by Marx and Gramsci in its theoretical-conjunctural validity, as
it relates to postcolonial social formations and especially post-
1970s Pakistan. The Gramscian concepts of passive revolution,
“boundary-traversing” hegemony, and the integral state are elaborated
through references to three major theorists of postcolonial
societies: Chatterjee, Alavi, and Fanon. The resulting framework is
then deployed to understand developments in post-1970s
Pakistan as two phases of passive revolution.

"Formosan Ideology" posits that "oriental" colonialism as practised by the Japanese differs from Western colonisation. The bulk of Wu's dissertion uses Taiwan to demonstrate the difference. Would the rise of an Hong Kong identity, which has a British, and thus Western, colonial history, invalidate the difference between Western and Oriental colonialism?

Focusing on recent debates over the ways in which subaltern groups engage with the state in India, the article proposes that it is imperative to historicise our conceptions of subaltern politics in India. More specifically, the argument is made that it is imperative to recognise that subaltern appropriations of the institutions and discourses of the state have a longer historical lineage than what is often proposed in critical work on popular resistance in rural India. The article presents a detailed analysis of Adivasi rebellions in colonial western India and argues that these took the form of a contentious negotiation of the incorporation of tribal communities into an emergent “colonial state space.” The conclusion presents a sketch of a Gramscian approach to the study of how subaltern politics proceeds in and through determinate state–society relations.

Partha Chatterjee has argued that the concept of civil society neither adequately describes nor is analytically helpful in understanding the democratic life in a post-colonial society like India. Civil society is the domain of the elites, who can claim full citizenship, and a vast number of people are excluded from such a process. He proposes the concept of political society: the actual domain of policy implementation, where the government engages with the population. On the one hand, various governmental functions and apparatus approach the population as the targets of policies. On the other hand, the people participate in the political process by manoeuvring in this domain. This space for manoeuvring is not available within the liberal space of civil society. According to Chatterjee, this should be seen as a positive aspect rather than a pathological condition, since it provides a scope for realizing the popular demands.

The concept of Hegemony is central to Gramsci's thought, but it has been also the main vector of his fortune around the world. This article maps some uses of this Gramscian concept from the point of view of its political productivity insted of its philological fidelity to the author. The concept of hegemony, in these examples, shows its ability to produce political innovation.

The theme of nationalism in the works of Premchand, the pre-eminent Urdu–Hindi writer of the 1920s and 1930s, not only serves as an organising principle but also constitutes a protean and contentious field of study, which has resulted in conflicting interpretations. On the one hand, his nationalist narratives are categorically denounced for their apparent lack of radicalism, while on the other hand, they are unequivocally valorised for their so-called subversive content. Both these diametrically opposed schools of criticism, however, share a common lacuna, that is, both of them tend to conflate the writer’s nationalist narratives with his peasant discourse, thereby precluding the possibility of different themes yielding different interpretations. This article examines the theme of nationalism in Premchand’s works, in general, and the question of civil resistance in particular, in order to demonstrate how the writer’s politics of representation in his nationalist writings differs from the one that we find in his peasant narratives. It argues that as opposed to the authorial valorisation of the fictive peasant’s conformity to the exploitative status quo, civil resistance in Premchand’s nationalist narratives is not only necessary and desirable but also synonymous with dharma (moral duty) itself.

Numero monografico dei "Quaderni di teoria sociale" dedicato a "Gramsci e la sociologia". A distanza di 20 anni dall'ultima presa di parola degli studiosi sul rapporto di Gramsci con i grandi del pensiero sociologico ("Gramsci e i classici della sociologia", a cura di Massimo Paci), questo numero monografico vuole riaprire il dibattito tra due tradizioni (studi gramsciani e studi sociologici) che si sono poco frequentate negli ultimi anni. Per fare di Gramsci un classico della sociologia, e dei temi della sociologia una chiave centrale di lettura dei Quaderni.

Among the major theoretical essays of the early period of Subaltern Studies is Chatterjee's More on Modes of Power and the Peasantry. In this essay I explicate Chatterjee's argument by introducing Althusser's theory of reproduction and Trotsky's theory of uneven and combined development. I expand upon Chatterjee's theory by introducing the notion of a proletarian mode of power and illustrate the usefulness of this concept by bringing the theory to bear on an analysis of the pre-revolutionary Russian countryside.

In this thesis I compare the social history of movements against hydropower projects in two states of India, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, from 1921 to 2004 in three phases. The specific aim of this project is to demonstrate the shifting notion of subaltern political subjectivity and `state-formation' in postcolonial India. Here I argue that the subalterns played significant causal and constitutive roles in transforming the structure of postcolonial Indian state in a more democratic direction and in that process considerably changed their political discourses, practices and strategies. The two extended historical cases of movement against large dams illustrated in this thesis mark the different types of subaltern politics that emerged in postcolonial India.

This paper is an account of pre-colonial symbolic distributions of imagined boundaries in the geo-political construct called “India” and it is also a response to the Chatterjee-Sen polemic regarding the pre-colonial (non-/)existence of Indian model.
Chatterjee raised the following question:
“If nationalism in the rest of the world have to choose their imagined community from certain ‘modular’ forms already made available to them by Europe and the Americas, what do they have left to imagine?….” (Chatterjee, 1993:5, emphasis added)
The question, raised by Chatterjee may lead us to a reading that as a so-called third world subalterns, we do not have any imagined model and we, as a colonial subject, are only aping the dominant domain. In response to this, Sen commented:
“The conceptual forms of ‘the nation as an imagined community’, which Anderson peruses, may not have much to commend it (I personally think that it does—but this is a different issue), but the fear that its western origin would leave us without a model that is our ‘own’ is a somewhat peculiar concern.” (1996: 17-18, fn. 13)

Chatterjee’s question (“…what do they have left to imagine?….”) inaugurates the question of “rem(a)inder” (in Lacanian sense of the term) in the context of colonial subjectivity, which is, though destroyed by the imposed imagined symbolic order, constructs its imagined “real(-ity)” as rem(a)inder through some so-called “mythical”, “spiritual” (thus un-“scientific” from the perspective of enlightened gaze) constructions. The author will try to discuss three evidences of pre-colonial imagined boundary-constructions in the context of Southeast Asia in connection with Chatterjee-Sen debate.

(A) Fragmented Body of the Holy Mother: Bharat is a body—a female body—Sati’s (The holy mother goddess, Siva’s wife) body-parts are scattered all over India—these female organs are worshipped in different (almost 51, though numbers differ in different puranas as well as in some marginal printed documents as found in side of different sati-pithas ) Indian tirthas. Thus, we have found Bharat as an imagined integration of corporeal-state (cf. Sarkar, 1948/1973 & 1984). If the different distributions of different scattered body-parts are to be put into the map, that cartographical as well as symbological account of iso-corporeal ( cf. isopleth, isoline, isogram or isorithm) gives us an integrated picture of imagined boundary. The author would not venture to attest empirically the archival values of the “real” documents (as it was investigated by some empirical historians in the case of Ramjanmobhoomi), but the author will try to unfold the discourses of puranas as well as marginal documents. The presence or absence of the Sati’s body-part in the certain part of the territory is not the author’s concern.

(B) The celebration of Mela: Certain Southeast Asian aquatic regions are selected in connection with certain configurations in the celestial sphere (though, one must remember, the placement of constellation does not follow contemporary astronomical account) to celebrate ritualistic fairs. Pilgrims from different part of South-East Asia gather (in which “language” do they communicate?) in the particular region and they are forming certain type of symbolic solidarity. What is noticeable here is the association among geographical region, aquatic region and celestial sphere. The gathering of different margis (< marga or road) or panthis (
(C) Four Mathas of Shankarcharya: It was told that the adi Shankarcharya (8th C.) established four mathas in four different parts of India: (1)the Uttarāmnāya matha, or northern matha at Joshimath ; (2)the Pūrvāmnāya matha or eastern matha, the Govardhana matha, at Puri; (3)the Dakshināmnāya matha, or the Sringeri Sharada Peetham, the southern matha, at Shringeri ; (4) the Paśchimāmnāya matha, or the Dwaraka Pitha, the western matha, at Dwarka . The cartographical account of such planned distribution of mathas also provides us a concept of imagined boundary, though that is not a mimicry of European nation Statist model.

All these imagined evidences remind us the remainder of pre-colonial genealogy of “our” imagination.

La « condizione umana della pluralità », e cioè la convinzione arendtiana che « gli uomini, e non l’Uomo, vivono e abitano il mondo », attraversa come in filigrana tutto il libro di Sabina Loriga, un’originalissima ricognizione « su quella minoranza di autori che, nel corso del secolo xix, hanno cercato di salvare la dimensione individuale della storia ». La « piccola x » che compare nel titolo si riferisce infatti a un’espressione di John Gustav Droysen, formulata nel 1863 in questi termini : « se si chiama A il genio individuale, cioè tutto ciò che un singolo uomo è, possiede e fa, allora questa A consta di a + x, dove a comprende tutto ciò che gli viene dalle circostanze esterne, dal suo paese, dal suo popolo, dalla sua epoca, eccetera, mentre x rappresenta il suo contributo personale, l’opera della sua libera volontà ».

The theoretical trench warfare about the meaning 'the people'-its sovereignty, ultimate authority, constituent power, and the right to self-determination-rages on. It does so, seemingly, with unabated enthusiasm. Is 'the people' a demos or an ethnos? Is 'the people' another name for plebs-all those downtrodden-or is it just another name for a demos, all those affected by the exercise of political power? Can its identity be known in advance, or must it remain mysterious until the point when we identify it, but only in retrospect? When, how, and where is 'the people' when it exercises its constituent power? Can it do so only when exhausted from suffering? Are we to find it in local assemblies, which then send their delegates to the Constituent Assembly, or can we identify its visage in mass demonstrations in city squares? When 'the people' claims its right to selfdetermination, how should we understand its rightful location-as a predetermined territory, or as the land, which it materially improved over time? Busy with giving it meaning, all such arguments seem to have forgotten-or have considered irrelevant (it's hard to tell)-one simple but non-trivial truth. Irrespective of which one among the questions above we chose to answer, the answer will be a figure, which cannot but be the work of imagination. Once seen in this light, it becomes harder to believe that its identity is really that of a demos, ethnos, plebs, populus, or something else altogether. Instead, once seen in that light, 'the people' will appear in its three-fold roles that it has played all along, beneath each and every particular mask of peoplehood. As the product of the practice of theoretical imaginations 'the people' is better seen as the arbiter, warden, and manager.

This article envisages slum dwellers' politics in Recife, Brazil as a realm of possibility in which care and recognition are central. Community leaders are its main facilitators as articulators of slum dwellers' needs and aspirations. The article's notion of slum politics is an elaboration of Chatterjee's (2004) ideas on popular politics as a “politics of the governed.“ Yet the article critiques the governmentality perspective for its inability to envisage a politics of hope and possibility. It distinguishes among slum politics, governmental politics (projects and programs), and electoral politics (voting), which are entwined and interdependent, but different. Zooming in on a community leader's urban agriculture project, the article argues that this project, which from an outsiders' perspective may be considered non-viable, provided slum dwellers with possibilities to strive for community solidarity and personal recognition. Slum politics, the article concludes, is about claiming the right to be counted and recognized, and about the care for the other.

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Rebel groups govern significant parts of territory worldwide. They often deliver crucial public goods and services to populations under their control. Scholarship on rebel governance commonly explains this with the need for armed groups to generate local and international legitimacy. We argue that this understanding of rebel governance as an instrumental means to power is insufficient. Instead, we propose a novel conceptualization of rebel governance as competing biopolitics. Tracing biopolitical technologies of rebel rule reveals the productive functions of war-time social orders for molding populations into imagined communities in direct opposition to the existing nation state. We develop this perspective by mobilizing Foucault's work in conjunction with Chatterjee's postcolonial understanding of governmentality in contexts of postcolonial state- and nation-formation, and empirical research on the Pat Jasan in northern Myanmar. Linked to the Kachin rebellion, this movement has fought against a devastating narcotics crisis with biopolitical interventions that form the Kachin nation body amidst protracted ethnonational conflict. Beyond shedding light on one of the world's longest running but least-researched civil wars, this offers three distinct contributions to international studies: exploring non-state armed groups as actors of public health, theorizing the sociological underpinnings of rebel governance, and developing the concept of biopolitics beyond the nation state.