Writing in the early third century AD, Julius Africanus claimed to have built a library "in the Pantheon" in Rome, the exact location of which remains elusive. In considering the competing possibilities for the site of the library, this paper argues that the building we commonly refer to as the Pantheon does not correspond to the ancient understanding of what the Pantheum was. The case is made that it was not a single building, but instead comprised a larger complex, of which the still-standing structure was only one part. This interpretation allows for a number of details associated with the Pantheon to be rethought within a wider context and alternative proposals advanced regarding the forecourt in front of porch, the "arch" in the centre of this space, the location of the now lost caryatids and bronze columns, the little understood Severan restoration, and the meanings of the much-discussed inscriptions on the façade.

Using cross-national survey data and information on government practices concerning human rights collected in 17 post-Communist states in Central and Eastern Europe, the authors examine the determinants of people's attitudes about their country's human rights situation. They find that not all people in countries that systematically violate human rights develop more negative opinions about their country's human rights situation. However, results show high levels of disregard for human rights strongly affect evaluations of human rights practices among individuals with higher levels of education. Thus better educated respondents were significantly more likely to say there was respect for human rights in their country if they lived in a country with fewer violations of the integrity of the person or that protected political and civil rights; conversely, they were less likely to say so if they lived in a more repressive country or a country where political and civil rights were frequently violated.

This study is based on the analysis of some inscriptions which date to the tetrarchic age (approximately between 285 and 312) and have received little attention in scholarship. They are dedications of statues of deities, set up in different sanctuaries by order of the emperors themselves (Diocletian and Maximian, Galerius, Maximinus Daia, Licinius), through the agency of their provincial representatives, the governors. Some of these (it is the case of two statues from Didyma) seem to be acts of disinterested pietas and to fit perfectly into the inveterate tradition of the celebration of gods, coherently with the self-representation of tetrarchs as it is shown in panegyrics, inscriptions and coins. Others instead (a couple of dedications from ancient Ilion), explicitly – and quite surprisingly - refer to the fact that the statues were made of (a part of) the precious metal which the emperors ordered to be taken from the same temples, according to a practice of ‘exchange’ which is not unparalleled in previous times. A similar procedure (statues made from metal belonging to temple treasures) seem to have been followed by Licinius in two different temples of Dionysopolis in Scythia. The request of crude metal is then examined in the framework of the fiscal and monetary policy of the emperors of the first, second and third tetrarchy, as it is illustrated by several papyri. Finally, the possibility that seizure of temples’ properties was not uncommon in the Tetrarchic period invites us  to reconsider the originality and the meaning of Constantine’s politics towards pagan sanctuaries.

This article proposes a new reading of a late first-century c.e. inscribed dedication from Todi (Umbria) as an accusation of witchcraft, a rhetorical text aimed at propagating a particular story among the local community. Historical and anthropological studies of witchcraft accusations in other societies have emphasised how they can reveal tensions and anxieties that are normally not visible to the observer. By drawing on these studies and close examination of the language and content of the inscription, this article analyses an historical agent's experience of the social structure of early imperial Italy. The accusation is read as a freedman's response to his ambiguous position in a slave society, the ambivalent power of writing in Roman culture and the religious claims of Flavian imperial discourse.

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This article considers a group of inscriptions, ranging in date from the late second to late third centuries ad, which indicates that low-ranked members of the Roman army gained access to equestrian rank in this period. The inscriptions attest two interrelated phenomena: (1) the promotion of soldiers to posts in the militiae equestres, a series of officer commands usually held by men from the ordo equester; and (2) grants of equestrian status to soldiers' sons, many of whom were only very young. These developments represent a marked departure from the circumstances that prevailed in the early Empire, when equestrian rank could be bestowed only by the emperor on men who possessed a census qualification of 400,000 sesterces. In this article, I propose that successive emperors gave soldiers greater access to the militiae equestres, and in some cases awarded equestrian rank to their sons, because they recognized the widespread desire for social mobility among the ranks of the army. The widening of access to equestrian rank within the Roman army contributed to the devaluation of this status over the course of the third century A.D.

This contribution offers a new reading of the ancient landscape of the periphery of Lepcis Magna thanks mainly to the data from the survey campaigns carried out by the Archaeological Mission of Roma Tre University (2007– 13) together with new archival research and GIS analysis. The new data are related to the road network of the Lepcitanian territory and its inner suburban areas. They include both the already known routes (essentially the coastal via publica and the via in mediterraneum) and new roads here presented merging the new information with the already published archaeological evidence. Beside the road network, a new topographic reading of the southeast suburb shows also traces of an ancient land partition based on Roman measurements. This latter discovery would represent, up to now, the first evidence of a cadastrian land partition in Tripolitania.

Este trabajo pretende ofrecer una visión general sobre la inmigración de origen extrapeninsular domiciliada en Augusta Emerita a partir del análisis de la documentación epigráfica de la colonia. Estudiaremos aspectos como las regiones y ciudades de origen de estos inmigrantes, sus ocupaciones profesionales, las causas que determinaron su movilidad y la actividad que desarrollaron en Augusta Emerita tras su llegada. Cronológicamente nuestra contribución abarca el periodo comprendido entre la fundación de la colonia en el año 25 a.C. y la promulgación de la Constitutio Antoniniana a comienzos del siglo III d.C.

OLat. simītū 'at the same time' is traditionally interpreted as abl. sg. (originally instr. sg.) of a compound, with first member *sem-'one' and second member *eitu-(< PIE *h 1 éi-tu-'going'), thus 'with/at a single go'. The semantics are impeccable, but formal considerations suggest rather a univerbation of a phrase (pre-Lat.) *semi eitū(d) or *seme eitū(d) 'id.', whence (with elision and univerbation) *sem'eitū(d) and eventually simītū. If correct, this would provide a rare instance of inflected *sem-'one' (cf. univerbated *smih 2 ǵh(e)slih 2 > mīlia 'thousands'), otherwise eclipsed by *(h 1 )oi-no-. For the late variant simītur (largely neglected in the literature), the claimed source in abl. sg. *simītūd (with treatment as in OLat. APVR, ARFVISE, etc.) cannot be correct; Lindsay's now-forgotten explanation based on 3sg. passive ītur is preferable, and can be elucidated further. The entirely neglected inscriptional form SEIMITVM (with metrically guaranteed light first syllable) may reflect yet another -and possibly earlier -variant, perhaps a univerbation of acc. sg. *semem eitum (> *sem'eitum > /simītum/) beside the abl. sg. phrase underlying simītū, cf. adverbial pairs like prīmum beside prīmō. The Celtic material sometimes compared with Lat. simītū is problematic, and does not authorize an Italo-Celtic prototype, at least stricto sensu. 1 Nearly always in iambic or trochaic passages; in cantica only Mos. 792, Tri. 223 (both in bacchiacs, not surprisingly, given the metrical shape of the word). Four additional attestations listed by Lodge (1933:651, s.v.), three of them in cantica (all in non-bacchiac rhythm), are no longer accepted in modern editions. (The instance at Am. 631, in a passage that may be interpolated, is discussed below.) 2 1011 Marx (= 1092 Warmington, 1108 Krenkel); less certainly 315 Warmington (following Mueller) ex coniectura (hexameter line-end … calda simeitu), vs. 268 Marx (line-initial calda siem …, followed by Krenkel [269] and Charpin [VII.3]; codd. caldais seme). 3 trag. 79 Ribb. = 42 Warmington, 232 Dangel, ex coniectura (codd. simeta); Klotz (1953:203) prefers Buecheler's conjecture sim ita. (In defense of the metrical irregularity that would be introduced by simītū here: Dangel 1995:369.)

The aim of this paper is to determine the underling motivation for Chromatius of Aquileia’s strongly anti-Judaic rhetoric. After analyzing the existing interpretations and critically reconsidering the testimonies in which they have been based, we suggest that –regardless of the situation of the Jewish minority in Aquileia–, the bishop’s invective against Iudaei was motivated by the intention to provide to the members of the Christian community with a concrete counter model, an example of what was not to be tolerated by the Christian community and a demonstration of the consequences of such behavior, so that the Christian individual might guard against such errors in his own behavior and beliefs.

The translation of so-called 'honorific' titles from Punic to Latin, and their deployment in a number of public monumental inscriptions in Lepcis Magna, have often been promoted as evidence for successful Romanisation in the cities of Tripolitania. Titles such as amator concordiae and orna-tor patriae have been understood as affirmations that the local Lepcitan community had engaged with Augustan ideological concepts and were using them to demonstrate loyalty and support for the principate. This paper argues that a more likely influence on the translation of the titles into Latin came from the notions of philia exhibited by the Greek-speaking communities of the eastern Mediterranean in their interactions with Rome.

The combined analysis of epigraphic, literary and grammatical sources allows light to be shed on linguistic problems concerning the two superlatives of pius, piissimus and pientissimus, which have been mostly overlooked by scholars to date. Regarding the first superlative, Cicero says that it does not exist in Latin (CIC. Phil. 13.43.9), whereas the second form is exclusively attested in epigraphy, with no occurrences in ancient literary or scholarly texts. Moreover, the morphology of pientissimus cannot be explained according to Classical Latin rules, since the only verb which is semantically related to pius, piare, belongs to the first conjugation (it also does not fit semantically). In the present paper, we will try to demonstrate that piissimus was generally avoided in the literature of the Classical age based on linguistic purism, though it was probably used in colloquial Latin, and definitely normalized as a standard form in the Post-Classical age, as can be seen in both the literary and epigraphic instances of this word. In the case of pientissimus, this may have initially spread in the epigraphic domain, and subsequently entered so-called Vulgar Latin.

Ever since Augustine narrated an account of his mother’s death at Ostia, social historians have tried to adduce the identity of the person who erected Monica's tombstone, a copy of which is preserved in a ninth-century codex. Three members of the gens Anicia, all of whom were Augustine's contemporaries, have become usual suspects in the secondary literature. Throughout these debates the epitaph itself, a fragment of which was found in 1945, is frequently cited but rarely treated as a primary text. This article presents a new study of that epigraph and proposes that it was erected much later than previously suspected.

Estudiamos una inscripción votiva inédita procedente de Mina Mercurio (Portmán, Cartagena), depositada en el Museo Arqueológico de Águilas. La dedican unos libertos de la gens Roscia, conocida familia de negotiatores que firmaban los sellos de lingotes de galena argentífera que aparecieron en el Cabezo Rajao de La Unión, en torno a 1846. Se trata de una de las inscripciones más antiguas de la zona de Carthago Noua. Se fecha a finales del siglo II o principios del siglo I a. C., fundamentalmente a partir de la utilización de un nominativo plural arcaico en -es. Está dedicada a Salaecus, un apelativo que se relaciona etimológicamente con las aguas y con el mar. Por ello y por el lugar donde apareció, formulamos la hipótesis de que haría alusión al dios romano Neptuno o a una deidad hispánica relacionada con el agua.

La participación de tropas de origen hispano en el ejército romano fue frecuente a lo largo del Alto Imperio. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo el estudio de aquellos militares reclutados en las colonias romana de Lusitania que fallecieron lejos de las mismas durante su periodo de servicio activo o bien tras recibir la honesta missio y decidir instalarse como veteranus en su lugar de destino.

Presentación y propuestas interpretativas de una inscripción procedente de una de las galerías
occidentales del anfiteatro de Itálica (Santiponce, Sevilla), fechable a fines del siglo III o durante la
siguiente centuria, con la mención TAVRVS IVPPIT[ER].

This article discusses the application of Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI) to ancient graffiti from Herculaneum, Italy. RTI is a computational photography technique that makes it possible to digitally manipulate the light direction within a 2D image. This allows researchers to examine the graffiti (and individual details and letterforms) under a variety of lighting conditions. Furthermore, RTI is able to enhance the surface and color of the wall plaster on which the graffito was written. Several examples of this application to ancient graffiti show that RTI enables researchers to decipher graffiti, especially individual letterforms. RTI mimics the process of personal autopsy on site and allows scholars to reexamine the graffiti from anywhere in the world. In combination with other methods of archaeological documentation, RTI digitally preserves these inscriptions for the future.

In this paper we propose a study about social and economic promotion mechanisms among salted fish traders in Roman Baetica during the Early Roman Empire, independiently of their social origin. Items obtained by epigraphical evidence (stone tablets or amphorae tituli) are the fundamental basis for evidence as to their gradual moving towards Roman social élite, even to the detriment of their own original urban communities.

Opisthographic inscriptions have not received much attention from scholars. One particular practice, the reuse of an inscribed stone for a new inscription, has been studied well, but opisthographic inscriptions that cannot be explained as reuse remain understudied. In this article a case study of the double-sided inscriptions in one collection, the epigraphy holdings of the New York University Classics Department, will demonstrate that the existing explanations for opisthographic inscriptions showing no evidence of reuse are unsatisfactory.

Kuin, I.N.I. 2017. “Unseen and Unharmed: A Case Study in Understanding Opisthographic Epitaphs,” CQ 67.2, 573-582.

Scholarship of the family in the ancient world embraces a group of people related by blood, marriage, law or custom: the nuclear family (a father, a mother, and their sons and daughters) or the extended family (kinship or tribal groups). Within the ambit of the latter category, careful study of the surviving epigraphic corpora of Roman Italy reveals certain groups of people who live together, groups that are similar to that extended group related by blood, marriage, law, or custom, but which have not often been directly acknowledged in the literature of ancient family studies. This under-examined category of extended family may be situated in relation to the etymological root of the Latin term familia, namely famulus/a (male/female slave); in other words, servile and freed groups living and working together within marked boundaries of industry, duty, companionship and affection. Inscriptions in civic, residential and occupational spaces identify the groups which display these relationships: fire-fighters in Ostia and the Roman capital; apprentices to service in the Palatine palace; and, of course, the servile familia within the households of republican and imperial Rome. This chapter will adduce a range of formal and informal epigraphic testimony to explore the extent to which various social groups in ancient Rome understood themselves in relation to the traditional markers of the extended family – legal formulations; kinship structures; marriage, divorce and children; and affective relations.

This paper presents an analysis of a catillus fragment corresponding to a rotary grain mill from the Roman era found in the San Chuis Fort in Allande, Asturias. One distinctive feature of
this grain mill is the fact that it contains an inscription that mentions the word Turro. Among the possible interpretations of this epigraph, we advocate the hypothesis that this word  designates the owner or user of mola manuaria. To support this theory, we analyze other mills with inscriptions found in the Roman world that refer to concrete military units –contubernium, centuria, turma– or prayers and other records from the civilian circles. In the absence of any military structure, we argue
that this inscription indicates there were no military units present in that fort during that time, or that at least they didn’t adhere to a particular military hierarchy, even though this does not refute the fact that the civilian population lived in a heavily militarized area.

The canonical name Dressel 2-4 had been used traditionally in scientific studies to nominate the most representative roman wine amphora from the High Roman Empire, especially those produced in the western Mediterranean basin. This is a generic and ambiguous definition including three Dressel CIL XV’s successive types. As we will see, this three types have different meaning, although a common economic function and a related design. Since 1971, when André Tchernia brought to the international community the existence of kilns in Catalonia to produce this kind of amphora, the concept of “Dressel 2-4 tarraconensis” become the standard denomination in almost all the studies published to date. To understand its raison d’être, the nature of the name, and its scientific limits as a typological classification, we start from a new, and yet necessary, general analysis of all the published data existing on the subject. The result of this work has been the construction of the first descriptive model to precisely date the Laietana amphorae. Finally, the systematization of evolutionary sub-types over time has revealed a change in the commercial dynamics of wines by the conjuncture “quality versus quantity”.

Berni Millet, P. (2015) "Novedades sobre la tipología de las ánforas Dressel 2-4 tarraconenses".  Archivo español de arqueología, 88. pp. 187-201

We show that by the third century AD at the latest, the choice of case in Latin prepositional phrases had become arbitrary. This is evident from certain Roman brick stamps of the period, where the prepositions ex and de govern the accusative rather than the ablative. Our approach is based on the concept of normativity and its implications for historical linguistics. The findings, based on the analysis of 21 brick stamp texts from the second and third century AD, indicate that there is no direct causal relationship between phonetic, morphological or syntactic factors in the process of morphosyntac-tic change that eventually resulted in the collapse of the Latin case system. The conclusion is that in the third century AD there existed two norms in the language: ex/de…ABL was the only correct expression in higher registers, while ex/de…ACC was widespread and less incorrect in lower registers.

This examination of C. Duilius (consul in 260 BCE) and his achievements consists of a series of linked hypotheses, each suggested by direct evidence for Duilius' activities and contextualized by near-contemporary precedents (wherever possible) or relevant analogues from slightly later periods. Taken together, these hypotheses suggest that the elogium on Duilius’ rostral column may be read not only as an account of a capable commander who destroyed the myth of Carthaginian supremacy at sea, but also as an encomium on a generous benefactor to Rome’s citizenry. The inscription’s redactor successfully asserted Duilius’ preeminence among his peers, symbolized by the imagery and position of the rostral column commemorating his naval victory that was erected by order of the Senate and Roman people near the Comitium and Rostra. The cumulative evidence also suggests that the inscription’s reference to Duilius’ distribution of ‘naval booty’ to the Roman people involved the conversion of massive amounts of captured bronze, including the rostra removed from Punic ships, into “coinage,” i.e., the brick-sized aes signatum coins dated to c. 260 which bear naval imagery. Thus, by turning a mundane medium of exchange into a vehicle of propaganda through which his exploits and generosity could be ‘broadcast’, Duilius was able to reemphasize his new status as the first Roman celebrate a naval triumph. He could do this because the coins constituted a special triumphal/manubial issue under his authority, and he was therefore not subject to the constraints, real or implied, that kept Rome’s annual moneyers from issuing coins with personally significant types for another 125 years. His sudden emergence as a leading figure in Rome was rewarded with other honors, including a prestigious censorship in 258 and a perpetual personal honor, also bestowed by the SPQR, that allowed him to “triumph” to the end of his long life.

From the article's conclusion:
"Gaius Duilius has long been acknowledged as the first Roman to win a sea-battle, the first to celebrate a naval triumph, the first to be honored with a rostral column, and the first to present a gift derived from naval booty to the Roman people. Indeed, he came to be seen primarily as the man who set Rome on the road to maritime expansion and, ultimately, domination of the Mediterranean world. He was remembered also as the first (if not only) man to have a flute-player and wax-torch bearer accompany him home from feasts, as if he were perpetually triumphing. Now, we may add to Duilius’ list of firsts: he was the first politician to utilize Roman coinage to broadcast a new ideology of Rome’s (hoped for) naval greatness and dominance of the Mediterranean; he was also, it seems, the first Roman politician to use coinage as a medium for self-promotion, a century and a quarter before anyone would do it again."


Key words:

Gaius Duilius
Rostral Column
Naval Triumph
Naval Warfare
Battle of Mylae
Aes Signatum
Roman Navy
Roman Republic
Roman numismatics
Roman Topography
Punic Wars
First Punic War
Roman Epigraphy
Latin Epigraphy
Trireme
Quinquireme
Roman ships
Fasti Triumphales
Summi Viri
Octavian
Augustus
Forum Augustum / Augusti

This research focuses on the monuments of the Augustales from Viminacium in the province of Upper Moesia. Five monuments are considered: four funerary steles and one dedication made to an emperor. Drawing upon epigraphic and iconographic sources, this paper aims to discover the origin and social status of the Augustales in Viminacium and the nature of their relationship to the ruling class of the city.

Mit diesem Faszikel ist die 2. Auflage der PIR vollendet. Siehe dazu das Vorwort:
Vor 82 Jahren, im Jahr 1933, wurde der erste Band der zweiten Auflage der Prosopographia Imperii Romani veröffentlicht. Edmund Groag und Arthur Stein waren, nach Vorarbeiten, die Herrmann Dessau ausgeführt hatte, die Autoren dieses und der folgenden Bände. Volumen III mit den Namen, die mit den Buchstaben E und F beginnen, erschien noch 1943. Nach zehn Jahren lagen also bereits drei gewichtige Bände in der Qualität vor, wie man sie von den beiden Autoren Groag und Stein gewohnt war. Doch dann folgte eine Zäsur. Der 2. Weltkrieg und die Politik der Nachkriegszeit haben die Arbeit an diesem Grundlagenwerk zwar nicht völlig zum Erliegen gebracht, aber doch in unterschiedlicher Weise sehr behindert. Dass die Arbeit an diesem Grundlagenwerk schließlich überhaupt weiterging, ist vor allem Leiva Petersen zu verdanken (verstorben im Jahr 1992), die in der Zeit der DDR für die Heraus-gabe der PIR verantwortlich zeichnete. Das wurde schon an anderer Stelle dankbar hervorgehoben.
Seit der Vereinigung der beiden deutschen Teilstaaten lag die Verantwortung für die Weiterführung der PIR bei der Berlin-Brandenburgischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, die das Unternehmen tatkräftig unterstützt hat. Freilich unterliegt sie wie andere Akademien auch dem Diktat der allgemeinen Finanzpolitik. In den frühen 1990er Jahren war durch die Union der Akademien ein Termin für den Abschluss der PIR festgelegt worden. Es sollte der 31. Dezember 2006 sein, ohne dass es in den 90er Jahren dafür eine sichere, sachliche berechenbare Basis geben konnte. Dieser Termin war auf Grund verschiedenster Umstände nicht zu halten, u.a. durch die immer stär-kere internationale Forschung zur kaiserzeitlichen Prosopographie, die allein die Literaturrecherche immer aufwendiger machte, sowie durch personellen Wechsel in der Arbeitsgruppe der PIR, verursacht auch deswegen, weil nur noch recht kurzfristige Verträge ausgestellt werden konnten. So drohte im Jahr 2006 mit Band VII 2 (Buchstabe S) ein Ende der PIR, ohne dass sie vollendet gewesen wäre.
Durch Bemühungen des Projektleiters der PIR sowie der BBAW gelang es, eine Vereinbarung mit der Fritz Thyssen Stiftung zu erreichen, wodurch die Finanzierung des Abschlusses der PIR gemeinsam von der Stiftung und der Akademie gewährleistet werden sollte. Auf Grund dieser Vereinbarung konnte im Jahr 2009 bereits der erste Teil von Band VIII mit dem Buchstaben T vorgelegt werden, dem jetzt, nach einer längeren Periode als vorgesehen, der
VORWORT VI VORWORT
letzte Teil mit den Artikeln zu den Buchstaben V–Z folgen kann – im 82. Jahr nach der Publikation des ersten Bandes.
Obwohl der Bearbeitungsstand der einzelnen Bände der PIR damit sehr unterschiedlich ist – und niemandem ist dies mehr bewusst als allen, die an diesem letzten Band mitgearbeitet haben – hoffen wir dennoch, dass das nun abgeschlossene Gesamtwerk ein nützliches Arbeitsinstrument für alle Disziplinen sein wird, die sich in Zukunft mit Themen der kaiserzeitlichen Geschichte befassen. Den unterschiedlichen Bearbeitungsstand der einzelnen Bände ver-suchten wir dadurch ein wenig zu überbrücken, dass wir bei den Verweisen auf Personen, in deren längerer Nomenklatur wenigstens ein Namensbestandteil mit V beginnt, die neuen Informationen, soweit sie uns bekannt geworden sind, nachgetragen haben, so wie das auch bereits in vorausgehenden Bänden geschehen ist. So ist partiell eine gewisse Aktualisierung früherer Artikel möglich geworden. Der Benutzer der PIR sollte also möglichst Personen, deren Gentilnomen mit einem Buchstaben von A bis T beginnt, auch unter Namens-teilen konsultieren, die in späteren Bänden zu Verweiszwecken nochmals auf-genommen wurden. Dass auf diese Weise alle neuen Informationen erfasst worden wären, ist eher unwahrscheinlich; denn die massive Reduzierung der Zahl derjenigen, die kontinuierlich für die PIR arbeiten konnten, machte es unmöglich, so systematisch wie früher die gesamte einschlägige Literatur zu sichten und auszuwerten. Wir hoffen dennoch, einen sehr großen Teil dessen, was für die PIR relevant ist, erfasst zu haben.
Neben den beiden Mitherausgebern Matthäus Heil (He) und Johannes Hein-richs (Hs) haben an dem Band mitgearbeitet: vor allem der frühere Arbeitsstellenleiter der PIR Klaus Wachtel (Wa), sodann Andreas Klingenberg (Kl), Matthias Schumacher (Sch) und Jens Nitschke (Ni). Ihnen allen sei für Ihre Arbeit gedankt.
Unser besonderer Dank gilt aber der Fritz Thyssen Stiftung, die durch die finanzielle Förderung den Abschluss der Prosopographia Imperii Romani überhaupt ermöglicht hat. Ohne die Stiftung wäre das Werk wohl ein Torso geblieben. Unser Dank gebührt darüber hinaus der BBAW, die durch außerge-wöhnliche Maßnahmen die Förderung der PIR auch über deren Ende hinaus noch ermöglicht hat. Flexibilität hat sich hier auch im Bereich der Wissenschaft als eine Tugend erwiesen.
Es ist die Hoffnung all derer, die an der Vollendung des Werkes mitgearbeitet haben, dass die lange Arbeit sich am Ende trotz der Verzögerung und trotz aller Unvollkommenheiten dennoch gelohnt hat. Eine neue PIR, sollte es sie einst geben, wird allerdings auch andere Wege gehen müssen als die abge-schlossene.
Berlin – Köln, August 2015Werner Eck.

We present below two fragmentary texts carved in aere
from Napoca, one known from the 19th century and the other novel,
yielded by recent rescue excavations. The first inscription (Napoca-
1) was carved on a bronze tablet discovered in Piaţa Muzeului no. 4.
The document here might correspond to an imperial response
(subscriptio), delivered by emperor Hadrian upon a request that
might have been made for instance by the representatives of the
town at Napoca. A second fragmentary inscription in bronze
(Napoca-2) originating still from Napoca was discovered in the area
of hill Feleac. The preserved words formis and ratio / procuratio are
indicative of an administrative taxation type text.

This book includes the scientific outcome of several years of predoctoral training as a member of the research group CEIPAC (Centro para el Estudio de la Interdependencia Provincial en la Antigüedad Clásica) of the University of Barcelona (http://ceipac.ub.edu).This group, headed by José Remesal (Professor of Ancient History), concentrates on the study of foodstuff production and commercialization during the early and mid Roman periods. The work aims at two aspects: First it provides a synthesis of previous and current research on Baetican oil amphorae and their long morphological evolution, including changes in the epigraphic habit. The Baetican oil amphorae are re-valued as a chrono-stratigraphic fossil director based on their morphology and epigraphy. The chronological development is confirmed by the comparison with stratified amphorae from Monte Testaccio in Rome. The second aspect refers to the study of Baetican oil consumption in the eastern part of the province of Hispania Tarraconensis based on the amphora finds. In this part various problems are discussed such as the mechanisms of oil trade in this region and the role of the province of Tarraconensis regarding the distribution and consumtion of these amphorae. The book was reviewed in both national (Pyrenae, 29; Geryon, 16; Gallaecia, 19) and international journals (Sehepunkte 7, No. 1).

The way patrimonial procuratorships (of the patrimonium, ratio privata, and res privata) functioned at the beginning of the 3rd century CE remains controversial. A recently published inscription from Proconsular Africa featuring a new equestrian procurator rationis patrimonii of ducenarius rank, combined with re-interpreting the patrimonial procuratorships held by M. Aquilius Felix, argues convincingly that the reform of the administration of imperial property carried out at the beginning of Septimius Severus’ reign may have been more comprehensive than previously believed.

A new building inscription from Intercisa. The paper includes the description and complementation of a building inscription found in the late Roman cemetery of Intercisa in 2003. The inscription consists of 3 lines and on the basis of the imperial epithet (Antoniniana) in the last line it can be dated to the age of Caracalla (the name of the emperor in the first line and his titulature in the second was complemented accordingly), whereas the third line contained the name of the garrison: cohors I Aurelia Antonina milliaria Hemesenorum sagittaria equitata. The provenance of the inscription is secondary, thus we cannot determine the building where the inscription was originally erected. DIE INSCHRIFT UND IHRE AUSWERTUNG Im Sommer 2003 ist während der Arbeiten bei dem Haus Batsányi János Gasse Nr. 35 in Dunaújváros am Ende eines früher freigelegten spätrömischen Grabes ein Bruchstück einer Inschrift zum Vorschein gekommen. 1 Der Fundort liegt im Gebiet der sog. "Großen Nekropole" in Dunaújváros, südlich vom Auxiliarkastell und -vicus, wo im 20. Jahrhundert mehrere Ausgrabungen durchgeführt wurden. 2 Die Inschrifttafel aus Kalkstein hat oben und unten einen glatten Leistenrahmen und ist an beiden Seiten abgeschlagen. Sie hat eine Höhe von 76 cm, eine (unvollständige) Länge von 75 cm und eine Tiefe von 19 cm. Das Inschriftfeld beträgt 52 × (75) cm. Die Buchstaben in der Zeile 1 wurden sorgfältig bzw. in den Zeilen 2 und 3 weniger sorgfältig eingemeißelt. Die Buchstabenhöhe beträgt 10 cm (Zeile 1), 11 cm (Zeile 2) und 8 cm (Zeile 3). Der Text lautet wie folgt (Abb. 1): ]ANOÎN N[ ]X . ÎM P \III CO[ ]Ḷ ÂN TON IN IA[

paper in portuguese

Discutiremos, neste artigo, dois temas relacionados. Em primeiro lugar, procuraremos explorar como a elite romana representava os bandidos antigos na literatura satírica, tomando como exemplo passagens das Metamorfoses de Apuleio. Em segundo lugar, procuraremos enfocar a Epigrafia (placas metálicas dedicadas à deusa Sulis Minerva que foram encontradas em Bath, Inglaterra) para discutir as imagens do roubo na cultura popular. A evidência epigráfica é fundamental para o estudo das percepções acerca do banditismo e, também, ajuda a proporcionar interpretações mais plurais da cultura e do passado romano.