This critical essay describes and demonstrates the uses and unique contributions of performative writing as a form of inquiry into the materialities and mobilities of sociocultural communicative phenom- ena. Embracing an Anzaldu an approach, the author utilizes Mesoamerican Aztec and Chicanx history, iconography, and mythos to argue for an ontological reimaging of where research should begin and end. As a methodological intervention, this article chal- lenges traditional impulses regarding where knowledge generation occurs, which knowledges are valid, and who counts as a valuable knowledge producer. By shifting genres, breaking grammatical rules, and creatively constructing poetics and rhythm (flor y canto), this “flight of the imagination” focuses on what Chicana, Latina, and indi- genous scholars have termed “fleshing the spirit” or “spiriting the flesh.” By embracing the soul work and spirituality of writing, this piece offers an art-based approach to methodological inquiry that functions as a sharp critique of the White capitalist cisheteropatriar- chal structure of higher education that maintains status quo under- standings of knowledge. When rerouting our methodological impulses toward a critical and decolonial telos and embracing the soul and spirit of performative writing, I argue that our first move must be to make an ontological shift in how we see the world and our place in it—we must begin and end with “theories in the flesh.”

When we—that is, Pavitra and Debashree—sat down to articulate our understanding of a decolonial and feminist media studies, we knew that we were entering a conversation that had long been underway. Anticolonial movements of the twentieth century ousted powerful and globe-spanning modern empires. Postcolonial and decolonial theories helped us understand the epistemic violence that made the material extraction of colonialism possible. They cautioned us that colonialism looked different in different parts of the world, used different weapons, and had different avatars in the present.
As many of the authors in this issue observe, the work of decolonization does not end at a definite historical milestone, and calls to decolonize become defanged when they are appropriated by the very institutions we seek to challenge. The struggle against the colonization of our minds and bodies and lands is ongoing. The task of the feminist media scholar, then, is to enter the struggle midstream and try to make sense of the different currents that make up the turbulence.

The book Nonidentities. Tillion, Fanon, Bourdieu, Derrida and the Dilemma of Decolonization presents the histories of four French-writing, XXth century intellectuals whose biographies were associated with Independence War-era Algiers. Its goal is such a reading of their works that could uncover its Algerian-French duality. On one hand, the experience of close, direct biographic contact with Algiers allowed for a view from a distance (cultural, social and political) on France and Europe, which sharpened the view and imbued it with characteristics of criticism, but on the other education in the French cultural circle allowed for a specific way of writing and thinking about Algiers, a specific way of understanding and experiencing it. At the same time, that specific way (ways), which was shaped by assumptions placed at the foundations of certain traditions of thinking and related interpretative strategies - displays its power, but also its limitations in the confrontation with experience. The postcolonial timbre that connects the works of those authors does not limit itself to the confines of a single theory, but is located inside the entirety of contemporary humanities. It gives it its dynamism, but it also blows it up, that is to say by not allowing a permanent identity to be established. The decolonization of Algiers was not just a direct cause of the crystallization of basic terms characteristic to emancipatory discourses of the second half of the XXth century and first decades of the XXIst, but also a kind of social laboratory in which previous-century ideas of classic social philosophy could be put to test.
In exposing the Algerian entanglement of those authors, I did not seek to reveal hitherto unknown facts. My intention was an attempt at reading their works in a way that would highlight the French-Algerian duality and that unfull, unfinal and unfree of doubt belonging, cut across by the unerasable boundary between the two opposing shores of the Mediterranean, between “metropole” and “colonies”, “North” and “South”. This boundary is not only variously present in the texts I analyze, but also is the foundation of their strength and originality.

“Here” and “there” are not stable references. “Here” can at one time in France, at another in Algiers. This is the source of alterity, of the reversibility of points of view. To paraphrase a popular notion by Claude Lévi-Strauss, one can say that on one hand an experience of close, direct, biographical contact with Algiers can allow a view from afar, that is a look at France and Europe from a cultural, social and political distance. This makes the view sharper and imbues it with critical strength. On the other, education in the French culture allows a certain way of writing and thinking Algiers, a certain way of understanding and experiencing it. At the same time, this way (or those ways, because they are multiple) - established through assumptions laying at the foundations of certain traditions of thought and interpretative strategies associated with them - reveals then its limitations through confrontation with experiences, that is with with people, living and dead, people in flesh and bone.

The work I am describing here is not a book about the history of Algiers, but rather about a few French-speaking French intellectuals. They were all connected through Algiers, but also divided in how their varied biographical experiences of contact with the stormy history of that country in the XXth century was then processed by them. In that, it served to create an important, although always obvious, element of their attitudes and ways of critically examining the social, cultural, political and ethical. Neither is it a work from the field of research on collective memory. I am not posing questions about the causes of forgetting the history of Algiers and the European, especially French, participation in its fates. I am not attempting to “unforget” that story. However, it is my intention to directly address the colonial entanglement of the thought of the authors described, so that it can be properly appraised in the context of their intellectual work. It will allow a better understanding of what they had to say, and who and where we are, when we today ask questions in the language framework they built.

Matters of Algiers are not ones I follow closely, and postcolonialism understood as a complete, ready theory is not a perspective I employ to read the texts. What I call anticolonial or postcolonial timbre in analyzed works is not limited to a single theory, but is at home at the heart of the entirety of contemporary humanities. It gives it its dynamism, but also blows it up, allowing no stable identity. In searching for ways that Western critical thought can follow after the works of Bourdieu or Derrida, we find evidence that it is not, and maybe has never been “Western” in the sense that the language of identity implies, and that it is its nonidentity that makes it positive.

Nonidentities. Tillion, Fanon, Bourdieu, Derrida and the Dilemmas of Decolonization came to be as a result of at least two years of research based on queries both locally and abroad. To write it, I used foreign-language sources and materials that are poorly or not at all known in the Polish humanities, and which I hope to introduce to the local academic exchange. Many of them should be translated into Polish. I attempted to write the book in a way that, in spite of its extensive bibliographical references, allows it to be read by audiences outside the academic circles. In my view, the matters that the described authors touch and which I highlight, often against the grain of traditional interpretations, are of utmost importance. They deal with matters such as immigration, cultural fundamentalism or violence in service of political aims. In materials analyzed I show, on one hand, the nonobviousness of those issues, and on the other cognitive limits of the tools usually utilized to describe them.

Resumo: Os feminismos latino-americanos encarnaram desde meados de 1990 uma discussão sobre suas possibilidades de ação que questionava o fato de que muitos projetos feministas feitos por feministas ocidentais fossem levados à cabo na região com uma noção subjacente de " cidadania universal " para as " mulheres do terceiro mundo ". Apesar do predomínio deste feminismo hegemônico, outras reflexões e alinhamentos divergentes surgiram nos últimos anos, transformando-se estes numa produção crescente de conhecimento teórico local, bem como de contra-narrativas, produzidas por grupos feministas anti-ou descoloniais, de luta anti-racista e anticapitalistas. A virada à direita que a América Latina, a Europa e os EUA experimentam com o crescente predomínio de governos de direita e seus imaginários políticos reacionários exige estratégias feministas transnacionais. A questão que me traz aqui é como estabelecer um debate equitativo entre os diferentes feminismos norte-sul, seus diálogos e fricções, sem reproduzir a violência colonial. É urgente abrir um diálogo que compartilhe heranças de lutas sociais, uma tradução geopolítica entendida como uma prática que não caia na repetição da colonialidade.

Not-guilty verdicts, mistrials, and impunity for the Bundy family and many of their supporters in the armed confrontations over public land use in Nevada and Oregon. Expanded access for private oil, gas, mining, and logging industries and the downsizing of national monuments such as Bears Ears lead by Secretary of the Interior Ryan Zinke. A number of highly contentious debates and sensationalized events have again focused attention on land held in the public domain by the United States. This essay argues that federal land policy as a form of colonial administration has been constitutive for the logic of expectation as property in what is now the United States. From the state land cessions negotiated on behalf of the Articles of Confederation to the preemption acts (1830–1841) to the homestead acts (1862–1916) to present-day demands for land transfer, the acquisition and disposal of the so-called public domain have been central to westward colonization, the consolidation of the nation-state, and the promise of land ownership as the ostensible foundation of individual liberty. These dynamics are evident in contemporary conflicts over public lands and arguments for the transfer of public lands to either state or private ownership. Approaching the Bundy occupations as flashpoints that illuminate competing interpretations and claims to land within the history of westward colonization, this essay seeks to demonstrate the ways in which expectation emerges from particular economies of dispossession of indigenous peoples that have historically worked through and across the division of public and private property.

Federally-recognized tribes must adapt to many ecological challenges arising from climate change, from the effects of glacier retreat on the habitats of culturally significant species to how sea level rise forces human communities to relocate. The governmental and social institutions supporting tribes in adapting to climate change are often constrained by political obstructions, raising concerns about justice. Beyond typical uses of justice, which call attention to violations of formal rights or to considerations about the degree to which some populations may have caused anthropogenic climate change, a justice framework should guide how leaders, scientists and professionals of all heritages and who work with or for federally-recognized tribes understand what actions are morally essential for supporting tribes’ adaptation efforts. This paper motivates a shift to a forward-looking framework of justice. The framework situates justice within the systems of responsibilities that matter to tribes and many others, which range from webs of inter-species relationships to government-to-government partnerships. Justice is achieved when these systems of responsibilities operate in ways that support the continued flourishing of tribal communities.

The dislocated, deterritorialized discourse produced by repatriates from formerly European colonies has remained overlooked in academic scholarship. One such group is the Eurasian “Indo” community that has its roots in the former Dutch East Indies, today’s Indonesia. This article focuses on Tjalie Robinson, the intellectual leader of this community from the 1950s to the mid-1970s. The son of a Dutch father and a British-Javanese mother, Robinson became the leading voice of the diasporic Indo community in the Netherlands and later also in the United States. His engagement resulted in the foundation of the Indo magazine Tong Tong and the annual Pasar Malam Besar, what was to become the world’s biggest Eurasian festival. Robinson played an essential role in the cultural awareness and self-pride of the eventually global Indo community through his elaboration of a hybrid and transnational identity concept. By placing his focus “tussen twee werelden” (in-between two worlds) and identifying “mixties-schap” (mestizaje) as the essential characteristic of Indo identity, Robinson anticipated debates on hybridity, transnationalism, and creolism that only much later would draw attention from scholars in the field of postcolonial studies. This article highlights Robinson’s pioneering role in framing a deterritorialized hybrid alternative to nationalist essentialism in the postcolonial era.

In this chapter, we contribute to the decolonial feminisms that are expanding our understanding of extractive geographies and political ecologies of the subsoil. In this, we take extractivism to denote both the material processes of removal as well as a particular logic (not only of economic accumulation but of being) that renders materials, territories and bodies extractible (and necessarily so). We critically examine the ways in which these extractive logics and processes frequently initiate and condone racialised sexualised violence. In this, we argue that intersectional violence is at the heart of extractivism. Extraction settles within internal ecologies (including ecologies of health and disease) in ways that reaffirm colonial logics of race and sexuality. This broadening of the meaning of extractivism is important in understanding (a) how extraction operates through multiple forms and scales of power and (b) its intersectional and pluriform impacts. Sexual violence, we conclude, is at the centre of racialised extractivism; this is illustrated in corporate language and the more informal logics of residential tourism, both of which are united by colonial logics that would render black life disposable. We conclude with reflections on the value of decolonial feminist dialogue-as-critique that attends to the resonances across and between black women’s experiences of extractivism.

Iris Ruiz is a Lecturer in the Merritt Writing Program at UC, Merced, which is located in the heart of the Central Valley and is a designated Hispanic Serving Institution. She teaches courses in advanced composition, journal editing, first and second year composition and Chicanx Studies. She recently published Reclaiming Composition for Chicano/as and other Ethnic Minorities: A Critical History and Pedagogy and an edited collection, Decolonizing Rhetoric and Composition Studies: New Latinx Keywords for Theory and Pedagogy, which Raúl Sánchez and she are co-editing and includes many CCCC Latinx Caucus gente. Iris has been a member of the NCTE/CCCC Latinx Caucus since 2000, contributing to Writing and Working for Change projects, Reflections, the formation of the People Of Color caucus for the WPA, and she is currently working on a statement for the Caucus to consider in support of Ethnic Studies nationwide to be release soon by NCTE. She has recently been elected to the position of Co-Chair for the NCTE/CCCC Latinx Caucus. Her indigenous roots stem from her great-grandmother, Angelita Treviño, who is pure-blooded indigenous. Iris has gleaned much of what she knows about Curanderismo, indigenous spirituality, and natural healing practices from Angelita's memory. She hopes to continue to " Indigenize " Western epistemology as the world continues to go through a decolonial paradigm shift that has no due date, but that is currently in process.

For the last two decades, my sexual-emotional relationships have happened within what has come to be known as non-monogamy, a field in which I am an activist, theorist, consultant and who knows what else. And despite all that, and despite dedicating body, mind, emotional networks and a great deal of my energy to the matter, I still come up against repeated difficulties in trying to sustain relationships that are plural and healthy for everybody involved. And it’s not just me. The same thing happens to other people in the social circles I’m involved in: anguish, guilt, jealousy, lack of comprehension by those around us… all the psychological horrors get going.
It’s not me and it’s not us: it’s the system.

This article draws on the epistemologies of the south, namely decolonial theory, to point to the analytical and interpretive limitations of northern theories of globalisation. It gestures toward decolonial globalisation studies to provide an alternative reading of global justice movements, including university student movements in Latin America. Moreover, it maintains that situating university student movements geopolitically provides a valuable way out of the theoretical limitations of critical globalisation studies informed by northern perspectives. By adopting a geopolitical perspective, decolonial globalisation studies unsettles and provincialises the central myth of modernity, which portrays the emergence of modern institutions and globalisation as endogenous European and Anglo-American phenomena subsequently diffused to the Global South. Finally, this article addresses the need for decolonial globalisation studies to ground its theorisation in alternative sites of knowledge production.

Although a great number of academic researchers have introduced reconciliation in their work, they have not explained what it means from Indigenous perspectives. How do we need to understand and practise it in our everyday practice? Why should we all, both Indigenous and non-Indigenous, practise land-based and antiracist learning—as a system of reciprocal social relations and ethical practices—as a framework for reconciliation? This article initiates these transdisciplinary questions that challenge not only our static science and social science mindsets, but also the responsibilities for reconciliation,includingbuilding respectful relationships with Indigenous people, respecting Indigenous treaties, taking actions to decoloniseour ways of knowing and acting, learning the role of colonised education processes, and protecting Indigenous land and environment rights.

A collective intellectual biography that sheds new light on the Annales school, structuralism, and racial democracy.

Would the most recognizable ideas in the French social sciences have developed without the influence of Brazilian intellectuals? While any study of Brazilian social sciences acknowledges the influence of French scholars, Ian Merkel argues the reverse is also true: the “French” social sciences were profoundly marked by Brazilian intellectual thought, particularly through the University of São Paulo. Through the idea of the “cluster,” Merkel traces the intertwined networks of Claude Lévi-Strauss, Fernand Braudel, Roger Bastide, and Pierre Monbeig as they overlapped at USP and engaged with Brazilian scholars such as Mário de Andrade, Gilberto Freyre, and Caio Prado Jr..

Through this collective intellectual biography of Brazilian and French social sciences, Terms of Exchange reveals connections that shed new light on the Annales school, structuralism, and racial democracy, even as it prompts us to revisit established thinking on the process of knowledge formation through fieldwork and intellectual exchange. At a time when canons are being rewritten, this book reframes the history of modern social scientific thought.

Finding Common Ground through Creativity, a community-based action research project was activated with the purpose of engaging the community, cross-culturally, by exploring the values and connections surrounding land. The project was to create shared-spaces for promoting place-based dialogue around a theme accepting of the intersections of contexts relating to the land, such as the need for decolonization, healing, and reconciliation.

This course provides an overview of social justice theories in communication studies. As a discipline, communication draws from theories across the social sciences, humanities, and philosophy, leading to an eclectic mix of theory that is taken and applied to communicative issues. To get a foothold in communication theory, then, requires reading primary texts from outside the field, as well as applications of those texts within the field. Therefore, this course endeavors to provide a basis in critical theories of communication by connecting foundational theoretical readings with their use in critical/cultural studies of communication.

Social justice work in communication is intimately concerned with power. As such, we will be exploring how different scholars have conceptualized power inequities since what is often dubbed “the critical turn” in our field. Students will leave the class equipped with multiple theoretical lenses through which to investigate communicative issues of power, control, inequality, and oppression in our society. These theories will also provide the means to think through how communication can help us to build coalitions and relations that move social structures toward equality, justice, and liberation.

It is through specific genealogies of scholarship on race and coloniality, Indigenous feminisms, and Black feminisms that we can escape the well-rehearsed trope of 'land as body'. Within a comparative hemispheric American studies framework, I consider the centre of struggles over empire and extractivism that show the unravelling of the binary between embodiment and territories. I also consider submerged perspectives and forms of solidarity by those who refuse the material and symbolic infrastructures of racial and extractive capitalism.

Meditation on decolonizing the discipline of philosophy, combating epistemic extractivism, and exploring the abolition of the canon. A defense of decolonizing philosophy as a counter-catastrophic task, and of decolonial philosophical thinking as a collective and intergenerational project, modeled on the movement-based theorizing of organizations such as Decolonize this Place and the International Imagination of Anti-National and Anti-Imperialist Feelings (IIAAF). Complete newsletter can be downloaded here: https://cdn.ymaws.com/www.apaonline.org/resource/collection/60044C96-F3E0-4049-BC5A-271C673FA1E5/HispanicV21n1.pdf?fbclid=IwAR3ASaqKEJzq9qhNxSrP1V1R_J2NYTTnvEAFk1dg2MKAqnZvX62Wa8mr3d8

Employing the tools of postcolonial studies, this paper examines the manner in which the legacy of colonialism continues to influence the analysis of the Quran in the Euro-American academy. While Muslim lands are no longer directly colonized, intellectual colonialism continues to prevail in the privileging of Eurocentric systems of knowledge production to the detriment and even exclusion of modes of analysis that developed in the Islamic world for over a thousand years. This form of intellectual hegemony results in multifaceted epistemological reductionism that denies efficacy to the analytical tools developed by the classical Islamic tradition. The presumed intellectual superiority of Euro-American analytical modes has become a constitutive and persistent feature of Quranic Studies, influencing all aspects of the field. Its persistence prevents some scholars from encountering, let alone employing, the analytical tools of the classical Islamic tradition and presents obstacles to a broader discourse in the international community of Quranic Studies scholars. Acknowledging the obstacles to which the coloniality of knowledge has given rise in Quranic Studies can help us to develop more inclusive approaches in which multiple modes of analysis are incorporated and scholars from variegated intellectual backgrounds can build a more transnational field of Quranic Studies.

I advocate that museums are active institutions in the life of our communities and I argue that the decolonization of knowledge is a simultaneously academic and citizen endeavor to which museums are particularly apt. To develop this argument, I venture into an ethnographic exploration of the University of British Columbia Museum of Anthropology, in Vancouver, Canada, mobilizing the categories of ethnography of absences and ethnography of emergences, inspired in the work of Boaventura de Sousa Santos. I conclude illustrating my argument with a proposal for an ethnographic installation at the Théo Brandão Museum in Maceió, on the ‘Muzzle Law’, intended both as a meta museological comment and as a pragmatic civic strategy of opposition to the coup against democracy currently unfolding in Brazil.

This text is a non-linear bricollage of reflections that surfaced at a keynote address at the Lapes conference in San Francisco in 2017. In this event,  I invited participants to ponder and wonder about existence, reality, meaning, and practices of political and existential resistance through interwoven images, analyses, propositions, invitations and open-ended questions. This text echoes the invitation issued in this event to re-imagine and experience education as collective onto-genesis: an expansion of horizons and constellations of knowledges, affect, lived experiences, sensibilities, temporalities, spatialities, rhythms, neuro-metabolic processes, and possibilities of (co)existence.

Este artículo se centra en el denominado «giro epistémico decolonial
» que se ha desarrollado en el ámbito latinoamericano en las
últimas dos décadas y que recientemente ha inspirado trabajos en
torno a lo islámico en Europa occidental. Me centro en las genealogías
históricas y marcos conceptuales en que se basa la crítica decolonial,
y propongo un marco alternativo en que lo (pos)colonial no
sea concebido como una creación metropolitana exportada a las colonias.
Reivindico historizar y anclar lo teórico (decolonial) en propuestas
que hagan referencia al modo en que las estructuras operan
de manera concreta, situada en el tiempo y en el espacio de un
mundo que, aunque globalizado, está lejos de ser homogéneo, y aunque
atravesado y condicionado por varios ejes de poder, no está predeterminado por dicha opresión ni agotada su capacidad de acción,
resistencia y creatividad.

This article focuses on the so-called «decolonial epistemic turn»
which developed in the last two decades in Latin America and which
has recently inspired works on Islamic issues in western Europe. I focus
on the historical genealogies and concepts which underlie the decolonial approach, and I suggest an alternative framework whereby the
(post)colonial is not conceived as a metropolitan creation exported to
the colonies. I claim historicising and grounding (decolonial) theory in
proposals related to the specific ways in which structures operate in
the concrete historical and spatial coordinates of a world which, albeit
globalised, is far from being homogeneous; and albeit conditioned by
different power axes, is not predetermined by such oppression nor has
it exhausted its agency, resistance, and creativity.

The authors approach this paper from their own positionality, incorporating their experiences at a Predominantly White Institution (PWI) while pursuing their doctoral education into a discussion of colonialism throughout the United States’ educational system. This manuscript conceptualizes education as a tool of assimilation when viewed through the settler narrative. Utilizing the concepts of Tribal Critical Race Theory and Historical Trauma, education is revealed as a from of settler colonial narrative, displacing and erasing Indigenous people.

In Brasilien spielt der Prozess des Nation-Buildings eine zentrale Rolle. Von der 'Rassendemokratie' über das 'Land der Zukunft' bis zum 'Land für Alle'-die Bemühungen das riesige Land mit seiner sehr heterogenen Bevölkerung zu vereinen, fanden unter den verschiedensten, symbolisch aufgeladenen Parolen statt. Diese Konzepte prägen Brasiliens nationale Identität bis heute und bestimmen oft die Wahrnehmung der großen sozio-ökonomischen Differenzen im Land. Im Oktober 2018 wurde, nach einer lang anhaltenden wirtschaftlichen und politischen Krise sowie einem rücksichtslosen Präsidentschaftswahlkampf, mit Jair Bolsonaro ein rechtsextremer Populist zum neuen Präsidenten Brasiliens gewählt. Unter dem Motto ‚Brasilien über alles, Gott über allen' versprach er in Zukunft für die Mehrheit der Brasilianer*innen zu regieren und nicht für die Minderheiten, wie es bis jetzt der Fall gewesen sei. Dabei werden unterschiedliche Gruppen, wie LGTB-Aktivist*innen, Feminist*innen und Sozialist*innen, immer wieder explizit in das Zentrum seiner Kritik gestellt. Diese müssten sich von nun an entweder der Mehrheit beugen oder sie würden aus dem Land verschwinden. In der Präsentation wird dieses rechtspopulistische Nation-Building anhand von Reden, Werbespots und Infomaterial aus dem Präsidentschaftswahlkampf analysiert. Das Material wird dabei auf seine Ausschlüsse, Grenzziehungen und diskursiven Bezüge hin untersucht, sodass ein Bild der von Bolsonaro angestrebten Gesellschaftsordnung entsteht. Dabei wird auch immer wieder auf Differenzen und Gemeinsamkeiten zu rechten populistischen Bewegungen in Europa und den USA hingewiesen. Dies erlaubt ein differenzierteres Bild des globalen Rechtspopulismus zu zeichnen, die Entwicklungen in Brasilien auch in transnationale Zusammenhänge einzuordnen und eurozentristische Annahmen zu hinterfragen.

Women’s movements have a long, diverse history. Yet, the diversity and plurality of these female voices and modes of action have been often occulted. Feminist ARTivists are increasingly expressing their demands across the continent, notably through hip hop or visual arts. We welcome papers on ARTivism and Afro-feminisms, Xicana Feminism, and Indigenous feminism in North, South and Central America.

Most introduction to psychology textbooks include a chapter or section on Abnormal Psychology. Typically, this will be framed as a sub-discipline of psychology that focuses on the study and treatment of human behaviors that have been deemed abnormal through clinical research and practices. At the very basis of abnormal psychology is thus the assumption that some patterns of thoughts and behaviors are more socially acceptable, even desirable, than others. This is certainly not a new notion, as throughout human history and across all cultures there have been customs and norms distinguishing behaviors that are appropriate from those that are not. What makes this unique in the context of abnormal psychology, however, is the way such distinctions are determined almost exclusively on the basis of...

Assim como Oswald de Andrade afirmou: “Só a antropofagia nos une. Socialmente. Economicamente. Filosoficamente.” O intuito desta comunicação é, em primeiro lugar, analisar e explorar o potencial filosófico da antropofagia enquanto conceito de união, utilizando como suporte as ideias e trabalho antropológico de Eduardo Viveiros de Castro, para posteriormente dar condições a um possível diálogo com a tradição dialética Hegeliana, principalmente confrontando a noção de Aufhebung (suprassunção) com a unificação antropofágica.

Despite the fact that it is not the only country facing critical social problems related to inequalities, Colombia is also the only one in Latin America facing an internal armed conflict that has lasted over 50 years. Extremely diversified violence has reached astonishing levels of barbarity in different sectors of urban society but, above all, in rural areas. However, a new horizon of hope is being felt in the country with the beginning of peace talks in 2012 in Havana (Cuba). While receiving broad national and international support, these peace talks, while monopolized by Fuerzas Armadas evolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) are not addressing the root causes of violence. In this regard, the over-politicizing of the concept of peace within Colombia has tackled the issue of national reconciliation, by reducing it to dichotomizing discourses.

In late September 2016 former Prime Minister, respected legal scholar and constitutional law reformer, Rt. Hon Sir Geoffrey Palmer QC and public law specialist Andrew Butler released, as part of a New Zealand Law Foundation funded study Constitution Aotearoa, their proposed constitution in a book entitled, “A Written Constitution for Aotearoa New Zealand.” This paper seeks to provide a critical
Kaupapa Māori critique of their proposed constitution grounded in Aboriginal
academic Aileen Moreton-Robinson’s White Possessive Doctrine and Veracini’s
commentary of “On Settling.” It will look to explain how this proposed constitution is a missed opportunity and how it can be seen as a continuation of white possessive nature of the state while outlining the conflict between the need of the state to retain to retain power and the need of Māori to have constitutional transformation.

Whilst North to South knowledge transfer patterns have been extensively problematised by Southern and decolonial perspectives, there is very little reflection on the practice of research capacity development (RCD), still strongly focused on technoscientific solutionism, yet largely uncritical of its underlying normative directions and power asymmetries. Without making transparent these normative and epistemological dimensions, RCD practices will continue to perpetuate approaches that are likely to be narrow, technocratic and unreflexive of colonial legacies, thus failing to achieve the aims of RCD, namely, the equitable and development-oriented production of knowledge in low- and middle-income societies. Informed by the authors’ direct experience of RCD approaches and combining insights from decolonial works and other perspectives from the margins with Science and Technology Studies, the paper undertakes a normative and epistemological deconstruction of RCD mainstream practice. High...

RESUMO:  A partir de uma análise em uma perspectiva descolonial da obra do artista chileno Alfredo Jaar, mais especificamente The Kissinger Project, Florencia San Martín revisita alguns fatos históricos relevantes para a América do Sul, entre as décadas de 1970 e 1980, quando os regimes ditatoriais militares dominavam os países da região. No processo, esses regimes contaram com a participa-ção/intervenção estado-unidense, tendo Henry Kissinger, então secretário de Es-tado, como personalidade política mais proeminente na defesa dos interesses das corporações dos Estados Unidos. No entanto, como nos alerta San Martín, “o eco-nômico, o político e o social operam em conexão um com o outro”. Neste sentido, a ditadura militar chilena tinha na “implementação do livre mercado” um fator destacado em sua agenda política. San Martín nos recorda ainda que, assim como a modernidade, também a descolonialidade é um projeto inacabado.
(Resumo e palavras-chave elaborados pelos editores)
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Alfredo Jaar; arte; política; descolonialidade

Taking Documenta 14 as a case study, and especially the demands towards this institution presented in the Artists against Evictions letter of April 2017 (eflux), the chapter focuses on the intricate ideological conflicts defining the Athenian art field. The focus is on the unwitting reproduction of a territorial ideology resting on claiming a 'we' and naming its inevitable 'guests', even where it is least expected, i.e. in the radical, anti-border constituencies and politics of an urban fabric undone by, and yet resistive to, capital and its neo-colonial practices. The analysis focuses on the contradictions embedded in the reconstruction of 'we' when the issue is the political legitimacy of an end of borders and the national-proprietary complex. Reference: Chapter in Kataryna Botanova and Christos Chryssopoulos, eds, CULTURESCAPES Greece / Griechenland - Archaeology of the Future / Archäologie der Zukunft, Basel 2017. PENULTIMATE VERSION, WITH OCCASIONAL TYPOS. Publisher's site: http://www.merianverlag.ch/de/publikationen.html?productDetail=f1c04796-8e6e-49c3-a41f-206a1f3450b6

This essay examines the visual and written cultures of grizzly eradication and settler violence in U.S. California. In addition to unpacking the ways that settlers transformed the California Grizzly into a gendered symbol of imperial domination, this piece analyzes the ways that public discourse about the untamed outdoors worked to frame Native nations and wild grizzlies as threats to a properly domesticated and commercially productive U.S. California.

El pensador camerunés Achille Mbembe propone la noción de “necropolítica” para entender los procesos tanatopolíticos que se experimentan en los espacios periféricos del sistema-mundo moderno. Aunque el camerunés se apoya en las reflexiones de Michel Foucault y de Giorgio Agamben, su lectura del fenómeno necropolítico es más sugerente, pues nos permite contextualizarlo en situaciones geopolíticamente distintas a las del Norte global, ya que, para él, “la expresión ultima de la soberanía reside ampliamente en el poder y la capacidad de decidir quién puede vivir y quién debe morir”  y, evidentemente, en cómo debe morir. Por nuestra parte, en otro trabajo hemos abordado el vínculo entre “violencia divina” y el “estado de rebelión” de las víctimas, para mostrar cómo los procesos de liberación son portadores no solo de otra manera de entender lo político, sino también de otros regímenes de temporalidad. Si en otro momento nuestro interés se centró en la violencia o “autodefensa” ejercida por los dominados, en este texto, analizamos la lógica necropolítica que se ha diseñado desde los centros de poder a través de las políticas de gubernamentalidad neoliberal de corte extractivista. Desde una perspectiva interdisciplinaria, y apoyándonos en los aportes de la colectividad de argumentación de la inflexión decolonial, analizamos la dinámica de necrofílica de la modernidad/colonialidad realmente existente en Latinoamérica.

Found in *Teaching Arabic Literature in Translation* edited by Michelle Hartman  (MLA Publications 2018; pp 41-61), this essay is an exploration of the potential pedagogical spaces of alternative methodologies and theories for teaching Arabic literature in English translation in North American university classrooms. This proposal encourages academics—specialists, comparativists, and generalists alike—to reflect not only on the contexts of Arabic literary production (i.e., the context of the text, author, language, etc.) but also on the social relations in which educators, their students, classrooms, and institutions are enmeshed with the translation, circulation, deployment, and reading of Arabic texts within any given political moment. In exploring teaching Arabic literature in translation, this chapter takes a decolonial approach where the students and instructor not only locate themselves in regards to the text and the origins of that Arabic text (for example, in the age of  the Cold War, the American Unipolar World, or post-American Empire). But also, the pedagogical thoughtfulness considers ideological constructs of reading and writing (the commuting between the context, history and contact points of Arabic and English) that might be mutually untranslatable but also could yield ways to decenter the coloniality of the learning process in US higher education and its experience with the Global South.

In this course, students will be introduced to the sustainable development goals (SDGs), the concept of development and different discourses around them. Two key concepts, advocated by decolonial and feminist scholar-activists, for the study of local communities and their sustainable development; namely, the concepts of “delinking” and “positionality” will also be presented and discussed. The premise of this course is to show how these concepts provide us with non-normative and post-disciplinary perspectives for knowledge production on local development. In addition, these concepts are argued to also be important for sustainable development (Mignolo, 2016), especially in relation to the many attempts worldwide for the reconstitution of local ways of seeing, sensing and becoming in the world.

This newspaper column from 2003 examines how Indians in Trinidad and Tobago are misled, guided by so many fears, the encouragement of feelings of victimhood, and smallness of vision. There is an important contribution for Indians to make to the building of this New World civilisation, which is still in its infancy and only half-made. What is needed is a vision, mission and leadership not griping about “discrimination”, but looking fearlessly to the future.

IDEARABIA. 15. ________________________________________________________________________________ © I D E A R A B IA 2 0 2 0 idearabia.es PEDRO MARTÍNEZ MONTÁVEZ | El prologuista del volumen (Boaventura de Sousa Santos, termina su texto, significativamente titulado “Para una epistemología del desierto”, afirmando que se trata de un libro  “casi único  en su género”, y  recomendando “vivamente su lectura”. Tiene razón, y conviene saber que esa originalidad no es consecuencia solo del tema que  trata –casi totalmente desconocido todavía para el público lector– sino por la forma en que lo hace y por el método que se ha seguido y  aplicado  en  su composición  y disposición. No solo  lo “descubre” y “visibiliza” en todos sus aspectos, dimensiones  y componentes  –más  allá  del teóricamente  literario– sino que lo hace aplicando una metodología de investigación y  de  exposición  también  original,  novedosa y poco frecuente.

Este ensayo, aborda la doble filiación del neologismo «colonialidad», tanto en Roselene Dousset-Leenhardt como en Aníbal Quijano (ambos mencionan que se trataría de un neologismo), abriendo un campo novedoso de investigación y apasionante, que amerita ser considerado como una procedencia genealógica fundamental en las actuales perspectivas sobre pensamiento latinoamericano.

CÓMO CITAR:

Lepe-Carrión, Patricio (2020). “Colonialidad (colonialité), rebeldía (rebellité) y muerte: impermeabilidad absoluta, insurrección y cacería humana”. En Lepe-Carrión, Patricio; Martínez Andrade, Luis; Meneses, José Manuel. Chchitlahuiliztli, racialización y cacería humana. Ensayos sobre necropolíticas en América Latina. Ediciones UFRO y CLACSO.