Complete English translation of the article published originally in Russian (2015).
                              Summary
It is commonly believed that the epic Theogony of Epimenides of Crete derives from the corpus of pseudepigrapha under his name and that it was composed by anonymous author (with Pythagorean background) after 500 B.C. We demonstrate (mainly on the basis the reconstruction of the proem of the Theogony) that such influences do not exist and we arrive at the conclusion that the Theogony was written by Epimenides himself around 600 B.C. Aristotle who was sceptical about the authorship of the poems attributed to Orpheus and Musaeus, cites Epimenides without reservations as the real author of the verses he cites. Therefore the common elements between Epimenides on the one hand, and the Orphics and Pythagoreans on the other (Night as the first principle, the cosmic egg, the immortality and reincarnation of the soul), should be interpreted as borrowings by the latter from Epimenides, not vice versa. As a “priest of Zeus and Rhea” Epimenides belongs to the ancient Cretan hieratic clan that claimed descendance from Aiakos, son of Zeus; in view of the extreme conservatism of Cretan cultural, political and religious traditions, the sources of Epimenides’ divine wisdom should be sought not in the hypothetical “northern” or eastern quarters, but in the local oral traditions that go back the Late Minoan times and are closely tied with the cults and myths of the region around Mount Ida and similar oracular caves. The discussion of Epimendes’ herbal medicine shows that it is connected both with therapeutuc use of herbs and with cathartic rituals; Indian Ayurveda provides a close typological parallel to this, so common Indo-European roots are possible. After this we address the problem of the origin and thesources of the Orphic Theogony and propose a new solution. Taking at its face value Aristotle’s information on Onomacritus as the author of the Orphic epic Theogony, we discuss the “Cretan connections” of Onomacritus and adduce in favour of our hypothesis numerous literary and epigraphical- archeological pieces of evidence that connect early Orphism and the belief in the reincarnation with the Idaen cave and the region around it (Orphic golden plates and epistomia from Eleutherna and Sfakaki near Rethymno collected and studied by Tzifopoulos). Inter alia, we also propose a new interpretation of the Orphic graffiti written on bone plates from Olbia as divinatory devices (mantic cards, the oldest known ancestor of the cards Tarot) that probably belonged to the “diviner of Hermes” Pharnabazos of Olbia and were connected with the dice divination (astragalomanteia), the proper art of Hermes. The divinatory dodecahedron found in the Idaean cave seems to be connected with astragalomanteia, as well.

Medicine and Healing in the Premodern West traces the history of medicine and medical practice from Ancient Egypt through to the end of the Middle Ages. Featuring nearly one hundred primary documents and images, this book introduces readers to the words and ideas of men and women from across Europe and the Mediterranean Sea, from prominent physicians to humble healers. Each of the book’s ten chronological and thematic chapters is given a significant historical introduction, in which each primary source is described in its original context. Many of the included source texts are newly translated by the editor, some of them appearing in English for the first time.

This paper is about the history of a question in ancient Greek philosophy and medicine: what holds the parts of a whole together? The idea that there is a single cause responsible for cohesion is usually associated with the Stoics. They refer to it as the synectic cause (αἴτιον συνεκτικόν), a term variously translated as 'cohesive cause,' 'containing cause' or 'sustaining cause.' The Stoics, however, are neither the first nor the only thinkers to raise this question or to propose a single answer. Many earlier thinkers offer their own candidates for what actively binds parts together, with differing implications not only for why we are wholes rather than heaps, but also why our bodies inevitably become diseased and fall apart. This paper assembles, up to the time of the Stoics, one part of the history of such a cause: what is called 'the synechon' (τὸ συνέχον): that which holds things together.

Starting with our earliest evidence from Anaximenes (sixth century BCE), the paper looks at the candidates, models and metaphors for thinking about causes of cohesion which were proposed by different philosophers and doctors including Empedocles, early Greek doctors, Diogenes of Apollonia, Plato, Aristotle and Athenaeus of Attalia. My goal is to explore why these candidates and models were proposed and how later philosophical objections to them led to changes in how causes of cohesion were understood.

This chapter focuses on the therapeutic qualities of literature and literary production in Aelius Aristides’Hieroi Logoi. By offering a comparison between writing and narrating as a basic modality of therapy in medical treatises and in some of the most well-known healing temples and of the Graeco-Roman world, I demonstrate that Aristides is in fact far more mainstream in using rhetoric, literature and music to cure his bodily ailments than we have previously thought. Having said that, the
reader is simultaneously encouraged to notice how exceptional Aristides really is precisely because, although he works with previously well-attested healing practices and commemorative discourses, he elevates them to a whole new level of sophistication and effectiveness.

Ce chapitre s’intéresse aux vertus thérapeutiques de la littérature et de la production littéraire dans les Hieroi logoi d’Aelius Aristide. Écrits et récits constituent des modalités du processus thérapeutique. En comparant les récits des traités médicaux et ceux qu’on trouve dans quelques-uns des plus célèbres temples guérisseurs du monde gréco-romain, je montre qu’Aristide n’est pas si singulier qu’on a voulu le dire quand il utilise la rhétorique, la littérature ou la musique pour soigner les
maladies de son corps. Ceci étant, la lecture d’Aristide invite aussi à constater le caractère exceptionnel de son cas. En effet, bien qu’il s’inscrive dans des traditions antérieures bien attestées de pratiques guérisseuses et de discours commémoratifs, il élève ces deux genres à un tout autre niveau de sophistication et d’efficacité.

The difference between ancient Greek medicine and ancient Greek philosophy has often been seen by scholars in terms of two targets of expertise: the body and the soul. In this paper, I argue that we can better understand the boundaries between medicine and philosophy in antiquity by focusing instead on the difference between causes and motivations (or causes and desires). The reason is this. It is not the case that the writers of the Hippocratic Corpus are uninterested in the soul (psychē). They are, however, reluctant to address their therapies to expressions of the patient's own agency, despite tacitly acknowledging such agency as a causal force that cannot be reduced to the automatic behavior of the body. I go on to show how thinkers like Plato and Demo-critus zero in on the problem of perverted desires as part of a strategy of establishing a new domain of therapy, a domain that comes to be classified as the therapy of the soul.

'Holism' , strangely enough, given the absolute quality it indicates, is a concept that can only be grasped through negative examples: what it is contrary to, the paradigms to which it constitutes an alternative. Definitions of 'holism' thus usually involve the interdependence among the parts composing an individual object; their relationship with that object as their container and sum; its insertion within a context, environmental or cosmic; and crucially, the existence of an additional quid which defines that object as a totality independent of its components-the idea that 'the whole is greater than the sum of its parts.' In all these senses, the significance of the relationship between 'parts' and 'whole' can be much broader than the medical and anatomical discussions with which we would most immediately associate it, and which are under the spotlight in this volume. The breadth and malleability of the concept are key to a cultural history which is extremely long, despite the fact that 'holism' itself, like many such labels, can easily be seen as anachronistic if applied to the pre-modern world. This chapter aims to offer a glimpse of this long history and to illustrate the relevance of the Graeco-Roman past to our understanding of the idea of holism, and to its various manifestations throughout the centuries which separate us from the ancients. 1 The Challenges of Holism The fact that 'holism' still lacks the status of a univocal, free-standing item in cultural history or philosophy is due to more essential reasons than those implied by its recent history and current popularity, with their sometimes imprecise and amateurish usages. A double challenge to defining the concept is posed by it being inherently relative and by its involvement in the idea of value. First of all, 'holism' has a situated quality that resists any attempt at precision , a circumstance that far exceeds the contingent datum of the recent coinage of the name itself. The impossibility of a univocal 'holism' is due to the truism that 'whole' and 'parts' are relative, non-neutral entities. What we consider a whole, which 'parts' we choose to highlight, and 'what we let into Chiara Thumiger-9789004443143 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com12/16/2020

Aretaeus of Cappadocia is considered as one of the greatest medical scholars of Greco-Roman antiquity after Hippocrates. He presumably was a native or at least a citizen of Cappadocia, a Roman province in Asia Minor (Turkey), and most likely lived around the middle of the second century (AD) His eight volume treatise, written in Ionic Greek, entitled On the Causes, Symptoms and Cure of Acute and Chronic Diseases remained unknown until the middle of the 16th century when, in 1552, the first Latin edition was published. In this work, Aretaeus offered clinical descriptions of a number of diseases among which he gave classic accounts of asthma, epilepsy, pneumonia, tetanus, uterus cancer and different kinds of insanity. He differentiated nervous diseases and mental disorders and described hysteria, headaches, mania and melancholia. He also rendered the earliest clear accounts on coeliac disease, diphtheria and heart murmur, and gave diabetes its name.

This thesis examines the representation of the scented female body in the literary culture of late Republican and early Imperial Rome. Recent years have seen increasing scholarly interest in odour and olfaction in antiquity, building on anthropological and sociological research on the cultural relativism of olfactory perception and its associations and interpretations. Through its connections to sexuality, bodily fluids, and corporeal corruption, odour provides a fascinating lens through which to scrutinise the ancient female body.

To this end, this thesis draws together the fields of sensory studies, the body in antiquity, and ancient gender and sexuality, in order to facilitate the first holistic examination of the ways in which scent was used as a means to categorise and evaluate the character, behaviour, and morality of women in ancient Rome. After an analysis of ancient medical associations surrounding odour and the female body, the thesis examines the key properties and thematic concerns of perfumes, first across a range of Roman texts and then in the detailed assessment of perfumes by Pliny the Elder. It then demonstrates that female odour and perfume were deeply embedded in mythical traditions that were richly adapted by Roman poets and themselves extended to embrace female figures that populated the urban environment of Imperial Rome.

It argues that the relationship between the female body and odour was frequently employed as a means of reasserting Roman hierarchies of gender and power. However, it also argues that the odour of the female body was powerful. Odour invaded, captivated and polluted the bodies it touched, and it was also the sense that best correlates to the traditional ambiguities, dangers, and wiles with which women were associated. The sensory manipulation enabled by perfume stoked these ambiguities and anxieties, permitting women a level of control over the ancient sensorium, potentially deceiving discerning male noses and thus disrupting the very hierarchies which characterised women as socially and biologically inferior.

Three Latin versions of the Hippocratic Oath are displayed in parallel: those of Nicolas of Regium (1380), Anuce Foës (1595), and Albrecht de Haller (1771).  This paper may serve as a useful handout for Latin composition while introducing an essential text of world-historical significance into the curriculum.

L'objet de la correspondance fictive, intégrée à la Collection hippocratique, au sujet du cas de Démocrite, n'est pas réductible à l'ambiguïté du rire du philosophe qui paraît d'abord relever de la folie avant de s'avérer l'expression d'une sagesse extrême. Ces lettres tardives ont le mérite de révéler ce vieil antagonisme dissimulé entre la
médecine relativiste et immanentiste et la philosophie transcendante et absolue, en procédant, comme chez Platon, à une assignation faussement fraternelle de la médecine au domaine des soins du corps, témoignant ainsi, malgré elles, de la prétention totalisante de l’hippocratisme.

This essay examines how medical-scientific discourses about the nature of hybrid bodies lie in the background of Phlegon's discussion of a centaur . Centaurs have a long history as a byword for creatures that cannot possibly exist. Palaephatus, Lucretius, the paradoxographer Heraclitus, Artemidorus, Minucius Felix, Lucian, and Galen all object to the creature on the grounds that its hybrid body would be physically impossible, disadvantageous, and unsustainable by any known diet. A careful examination of Phlegon's description of the centaur shows that, although he cites none of these authors by name, he is aware of, and reacting explicitly to, these pre-existing medical-scientific discussions of centaurs. This reveals Phlegon to be aiming at an educated readership whose recognition of the medical-scientific background to the creature he describes will deepen their appreciation of the θαῦμα it represents.

Critical Days is a late antique compilation of passages from four Hippocratic treatises. This is the first study to consider it seriously as an independent text. I conclude that Critical Days values practical considerations over theory and texts over clinical observation. Critical Days sheds light not only on late antique medicine but also on compilation as a literary activity.

This article explores the connection between the theme of
wealth/poverty and medicine in Greco-Roman Antiquity. Special
attention is devoted to the changes implied by the transition towards
Christianity. The Church has played a fundamental role in the
creation of an organized system to assist the sick and needy through
the establishment of ‘hospitals’. The socio-cultural impact of this
topic promotes an interdisciplinary approach based on literary,
papyrological and archaeological evidence. In particular, Greek
papyri from Egypt provide original information on structures for
medical care, philanthropic programs and charitable institutions in
the cities and villages of the Egyptian chora.

Esta traducción y comentario de esos dos tratados de Galeno estaba destinada a ser publicada en la editorial Ediciones Clásicas en la colección de traducciones de Galeno que dirigía J.A. López Ferez. Como quiera que fue entregada en el año 2000 y no ha visto la luz la hacemos ahora pública por este medio; solo faltaría una introducción que no llegó nunca a redactarse.
Ambos tratados galénicos son una reflexión sobre uno de las obras hipocráticas centrales de su corpus, el llamado Sobre la Naturaleza del hombre. Galeno fija en ellos su posición de seguidor de Hipócrates frente a la multiplicidad de tendencias y escuelas médicas que habían florecido en Grecia desde época alejandrina. Mientras que el tratado De elementis de Galeno ha sido objeto en 1997 de una edición, traducción y comentario de calidad excepcional por parte de De Lacy, el comentario galénico del Sobre la naturaleza del hombre de Hipócrates no ha sido traducido a ninguna lengua moderna.

Since music affects emotions and dispositions,
it plays a fundamental role in
the political philosophy of both Plato
and Aristotle. This paper discusses
how education utilizes various keys
and modes, in particular how the works
Laws and Republic praise the doric
mode, while banishing representative
of the cult of Dionysos, unlike to
Aristotle’s Politics. This difference
corresponds to a peculiar production
of political order, resulting from the
control of emotional disorder. Therefore
the aim of this paper is not only
to indicate the laws of music, but to
understand music’s systematic role in
politics through an analysis of various
therapies of emotions.
Politics 7-8 displays a homeopatic
therapy according to the tragic catharsis
in Poetics: sounds and instruments
provoking enthusiasm purge one’s soul
of disorderly movements. In this way,
Aristotle frees music from merely educational
and political determination. On
the other hand, Plato chooses at first in
Republic an allopathic therapy, but accepts
later in Laws a homeopathic one
as well. Since music (and dance) is the
medium that support these therapies,
it possesses a fundamental function in
Plato’s ontological-political system.
The viewpoint of this system is the divine
Idea of the Good or nous basileus
and demands a peculiar music, which
Plato would define ‘divine’.

G The primary purpose of the NHS is '… to secure through the resources available the greatest possible improvement to the physical and mental health of the nation'. 1 To achieve this, decisions about the delivery and provision of healthcare are increasingly being driven by evidence of clinical and cost-effectiveness as well as systematic assessment of actual health outcomes. G Evidence-based medicine (EBM) is the process of systematically reviewing, appraising and using clinical research findings to aid the delivery of optimum clinical care to patients. 2 G Increasingly, purchasers are looking to the strength and weight of scientific evidence on clinical practice and cost-effectiveness when allocating resources. They are using this information to encourage healthcare professionals and NHS trusts to use treatments that have been proven to be both clinically and cost-effective, while disinvesting from practice that does not meet these objectives.

The paper attempts to explore the connections between Galen, the most famous son of ancient Pergamon, and the specific culture of his home city. What was the influence or significance of Pergamon's various institutions (including library, Asclepieion, amphitheatre) for the education and intellectual development of the most influential medical thinker of the Graeco-Roman world? The intellectual life of Pergamon - its philosophy and medicine, the ways in which knowledge was communicated - provides a relevant background to Galen's intellectual and medical formation. At the same time, we find that it is easier to talk in terms of the medical-intellectual life of a network of cities in ancient Asia and the Mediterranean, than of a culture specific to Pergamon. This result, however, is itself interesting, highlighting as it does the communications, as well as the competitiveness, between the foremost cities of the ancient world. We end with a brief exploration of the way in which Galen's particular views were formed in this environment.

http://www.cambridge.org/fr/academic/subjects/classical-studies/ancient-philosophy/aristotles-generation-animals-critical-guide?format=HB#Fd7Y2Pi7u4PpEP78.97

https://books.google.fr/books?id=yeg7DwAAQBAJ&lpg=PR6&ots=OmPfHoS5Hx&dq=Aristotle%20generation%20of%20animals%20a%20critical%20guide&hl=fr&pg=PP1#v=onepage&q&f=false

Gorgias' Helen is an essential sophist text. The first comprehensive commentary on the work, this book considers its philological, literary, philosophical and historical significance in every aspect. The introduction places Helen in the context of Gorgias' life, work and legacy, making this volume an important contribution to the field of Gorgias studies.

Este libro tiene el objetivo principal de introducir al lector en los principales temas y debates de la historia de la medicina en la Antigüedad, prestando especial atención a las cuatro principales culturas médicas del mundo antiguo: Próximo Oriente, Egipto, Grecia y Roma. ¡Se plantea como una síntesis razonada de los principales rasgos de la medicina antigua y se abordan diferentes puntos de vista: antropología, filología, filosofía, historia, historia de la ciencia, etc., siendo el hilo conductor la forma en que las diferentes culturas antiguas han abordado y combatido la enfermedad, lo cual es un elemento central en la alteridad del mundo antiguo. Desde una perspectiva amplia y amena, esta obra presenta además las principales fuentes primarias para el estudio de la historia de la medicina, así como los más notables autores y autoras modernos que han interpretado y puesto en contexto di-chas fuentes. Aunque está dirigida especialmente a quienes se inician en esta apasionante disciplina, así como a estudiantes e investigadores, resultará una lectura provechosa para todo aquel que tenga interés en la historia antigua desde una perspectiva cultural.

Byzantine medicine remains a little known and misrepresented field not only in the context of debates on medieval medicine, but also among Byzantinists themselves. It is often viewed as 'stagnant' and mainly preserving ancient ideas, and our knowledge of it continues to be based to a great extent on the comments of earlier authorities, which are often repeated uncritically.

This volume presents the first comprehensive examination of the medical corpus of, arguably, the most important Late Byzantine physician: John Zacharias Aktouarios (c.1275-c.1330). Its main thesis is that John's medical works show an astonishing degree of openness to knowledge from outside Byzantium combined with a significant degree of originality, in particular, in the fields of uroscopy and human physiology. The analysis of John's edited (On Urines and On Psychic Pneuma) and unedited (Medical Epitome) treatises is supported for the first time by the consultation of a large number of manuscripts, and is also informed by evidence from a wide range of medical sources, including those previously unpublished, and texts from other genres, such as epistolography and merchants' accounts. The contextualization of John's corpus sheds new light on the development of Byzantine medical thought and practice, and enhances our understanding of the Late Byzantine social and intellectual landscape. Through examination of his medical observations in the light of examples from the medieval Latin and Islamic worlds, his theories are also placed within the wider Mediterranean milieu, highlighting the cultural exchange between Byzantium and its neighbours.

The word pharmacy (Polish farmacja) is commonly derived from an Egyptian source. But the suggested etymology cannot be accepted for a number of reasons. Firstly, the term in question descends (through the medium of Latin) from Greek pharmakon ‘drug, remedy, medicine’, in bad sense  ‘poison’. Secondly, PHAR-MA-KI, the supposed epithet of Tot, the Egyptian god of healing, is evidently fictitious and has nothing to do with Greek pharmakon. However, this Greek term is attested as early as in the Mycenaean epoch (ca. 1400 BC) and appears as pa-ma-ko in the Linear B tablet PY Un 1314 from Pylos.

Dans le contexte de l'Antiquité, où l'avortement est envisagé sous l'angle de sa fonctionnalité, à savoir celui de la satisfaction des besoins privés d'une femme et de sa famille, comment se situaient les médecins de l'époque vis-à-vis de l'avortement? C'est la question que nous allons mettre à l'ouvrage dans cet article. La lecture des textes médicaux anciens, notamment les textes gynécologiques et embryologiques, nous apprend que contrairement aux représentations de l'époque, les médecins de l'Antiquité envisageaient l'avortement sous l'angle de la dangerosité de ladite pratique, autrement dit en se focalisant essentiellement sur les conséquences potentiellement néfastes de l'avortement sur la santé des femmes. Ainsi, en s'orientant à partir d'une approche essentiellement technique de leur position, nous essaierons de mettre en lumière que : a) la détermination du temps et des méthodes d'avortement constitue pour les médecins de l'Antiquité une question intimement liée aux stades de la conception et de la gestation et b) le degré de dangerosité de l'avortement est intimement lié à l'état de l'embryon à chacun de ces stades.

Building on recent research in how preachers in Late Antiquity embraced Graeco-Roman medical knowledge in their understanding of anthropology and studies that apply to an understanding of ritual contemporary research on the senses and cognition, the article begins with an outline of how John Chrysostom viewed the mind-soul-body. It next explores the physicality of the rituals involved in Christian initiation in Antioch, touching on the potential insights offered by sensescape theory and research on enclothed cognition. The article then explores the physical implications for mystagogy of medical theory. Finally, it locates mystagogy within the larger programme of psychagogy and the health of the embodied soul. Within the article mystagogy is defined narrowly as the final stage of induction into the Christian mysteries.