American Political Science Review, 2010

C ontact with the criminal justice system is greater today than at any time in our history. In this article, we argue that interactions with criminal justice are an important source of political socialization, in which the lessons that are imprinted are antagonistic to democratic participation and inspire negative orientations toward government. To test this argument, we conduct the first systematic empirical exploration of how criminal justice involvement shapes the citizenship and political voice of a growing swath of Americans. We find that custodial involvement carries with it a substantial civic penalty that is not explained by criminal propensity or socioeconomic differences alone. Given that the carceral state has become a routine site of interaction between government and citizens, institutions of criminal justice have emerged as an important force in defining citizen participation and understandings, with potentially dire consequences for democratic ideals.

Oxford Handbook, 2014

Since mid-century, the capacity of the United States to punish and surveil its citizenry has undergone tremendousexpansion. Yet this phenomenal transformation and its repercussions for citizens has engendered surprisingly littlediscussion among scholars of American political development (APD). Nor have criminal justice scholars beensufficiently attentive to the intersection between democratic development and the carceral state. In this essay, wehighlight how several well-worn tools and concepts in APD have begun to pave new understandings in criminal justice. Many of the studies we describe here have profound consequences for how we see American democracyand citizenship today. They require us to attend to the fact that criminal justice is not just one more slice of theAmerican institutional landscape, but is in fact central to the development of the modern American state, its politicalorder, and how the state interacts with its citizens.

Michigan Journal of Race & Law

In an era of mass incarceration, many people are socialized through interactions with the carceral state. These interactions are powerful learning experiences, and by design, they are contrary to democratic citizenship. Citizenship is about belonging to a community of equals, being entitled to mutual respect and concern. Criminal punishment deliberately harms, subordinates, and stigmatizes. Encounters with the carceral system are powerful experiences of anti-democratic socialization, and they impact peoples’ sense of citizenship and trust in government. Accordingly, a large body of social science research shows that eligible voters who have carceral contact are significantly less likely to vote or to participate in politics. Hence, the carceral system’s impact on political participation goes well beyond those who are formally disenfranchised due to convictions. It also suppresses participation among the millions of legally eligible voters who have not been formally disenfranchised—p...

Urbana: Urban Affairs and Public Policy Fall 2011 Volume XII, 2011

The Mexican national policy, known as indigenismo or política indigenista, oriented towards homogenizing the population was, for quite some time, very successful. In particular the State implemented public policies to transform the cultures of indigenous groups through efforts intended to integrate, acculturate or assimilate the indigenous population. Until well into the 1970's indigenismo was not openly questioned. Indigenous organizations that opposed the, until then, predominant State policy, sprung up in the 1980's and 1990's. These indigenous organizations put forward the proposals that would later constitute what are now known as the politics of recognition, or of the right to cultural difference and demands of acknowledgement of juridical pluralism, that is, economic, political, cultural and social claims that are sustained on collective affiliations, whether ethnic or national.

Bulletin of Latin American Research, 2009

Pierre Rosanvallon has emerged as arguably the most significant thinker among those in France during the 1970s who pioneered a wide-ranging "return to the political." Currently Chair in the modern and contemporary history of the political at the Collège de France, his importance stems from his willingness to consider the continuing emancipatory possibilities of democracy in light of the tensions and contradictions that have made up its modern history. Samuel Moyn has introduced, partially translated, and thoughtfully edited this, the first collection of Rosanvallon's writings throughout his career to appear in English. Though written over the past thirty years, the essays read together form a coherent picture of both Rosanvallon's trajectory and where he thinks democracy has been and is going.

International Affairs, 1957

This article is one of nearly 500,000 scholarly works digitized and made freely available to everyone in the world by JSTOR. Known as the Early Journal Content, this set of works include research articles, news, letters, and other writings published in more than 200 of the oldest leading academic journals. The works date from the mid-seventeenth to the early twentieth centuries.

Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Agrícolas, 2018

En el ámbito público tiende a consolidarse la participación ciudadana en las decisiones públicas con el fin de mejorar la calidad de las políticas públicas, lo que a su vez implica legitimar las acciones del Estado. Sin embargo, “el diablo está en los detalles” y la sola indicación de esta en los marcos normativosnoessuficienteparagarantizarunamejoría,quizá el reto más importante está en su implementación, por lo que el objetivo de esta investigación fue conocer los alcances de la participación ciudadana en el Consejo Municipal de Desarrollo Rural Sustentable de Texcoco, Estado de México en el periodo 2009-2012, identificando la legitimidad de los representantes sociales; el proceso de comunicación entre actores sociales y gubernamentales; y la efectividad de la acción pública. La investigación se realizó con un enfoque mixto, los datos cuantitativos se obtuvieron de una encuesta aplicada a 42 actores sociales; los datos cualitativos se generaron con una entrevi...

Constellations, 2007

Pierre Rosanvallon has emerged as arguably the most significant thinker among those in France during the 1970s who pioneered a wide-ranging "return to the political." Currently Chair in the modern and contemporary history of the political at the Collège de France, his importance stems from his willingness to consider the continuing emancipatory possibilities of democracy in light of the tensions and contradictions that have made up its modern history. Samuel Moyn has introduced, partially translated, and thoughtfully edited this, the first collection of Rosanvallon's writings throughout his career to appear in English. Though written over the past thirty years, the essays read together form a coherent picture of both Rosanvallon's trajectory and where he thinks democracy has been and is going. The first two essays, including Rosanvallon's 2002 inaugural lecture at the Collège, lay out his overall program and touch on methodological considerations. He describes his philosophical history of the political as a "total history" (65), a sort of queen of the human sciences who gathers society, economics, politics, and intellectual life into her train. In lesser hands the program might be accused of unwieldy eclecticism. Fortunately, Rosanvallon's perceptive and rigorous analyses more than compensate for the sort of meta-theoretical and methodological issues that are usually fascinating but rarely satisfying. The substantive heart of the collection is organized around three principal thematic poles: post-1789 French political culture, market liberalism, and the future of democracy. The French Revolution remains a foundational and structuring event that has oriented the flow of political life over the past two centuries. More specifically, modern French political culture has grappled with unresolved (and unresolvable) dilemmas related to questions of unity, voluntarism, and rationalism as they in turn have related to popular sovereignty, representation, mediation, and liberal-democratic articulation. The revolutionary democracy of the 1790s foregrounded the paradoxical status of "the people" both as the source of political power and as an abstract entity that could not be fully represented. Yet the political vision of a polity coinciding with itself (Jean-Jacques Rousseau's General Will exemplified the model) did not measure up to or square with social reality, whose complexity, internal divisions, and diversity defied and evaded projected unification. The radical voluntarism of the revolutionary period expressed frantic efforts to institute a new social and political form, from the spontaneous assertion of the-people-as-crowd to the contradictory dynamics of the Terror (which witnessed representatives' claims to incarnate the people and heal the divide between representation and reality, meanwhile denying that they were engaged in representation at all). In other words, immediacy emerged as an element of French political culture during the Revolution, targeting at first the mediatory institutions of the Old Regime but then giving rise to overriding suspicions toward the kinds of mediations that characterize liberal-democratic societies. The pure assertion of immediate will was, of course, intended to fuse the collective in redemptive, egalitarian wholeness. One could find these dynamics at work again in debates on universal suffrage during the 1830s and 1840s when "republican utopianism" (108) expressed a fantasy of transparency, socio-political coincidence, and eventually economic equality-all of which revealed illiberal tendencies. Universal suffrage, then, was portrayed less as a decisionistic process and more as a ritualized, celebratory expression of a socio-political unity presumed