Papers by giorgio camassa
Annali Della Facolta Di Lettere E Filosofia 1 Studi Classici, 1980
History of Religions, 1985
Les savoirs de l'écriture en Grèce ancienne, 1988
Rechtskodifizierung und soziale Normen im interkulturellen Vergleich, 1994
Sicilia Epigraphica. Atti del Convegno Internazionale Erice, 15-18 Ottobre 1998, 1999
History of Religions, 2000
QUARTE GIORNATE INTERNAZIONALI DI STUDI SULL’AREA ELIMA, Erice, 1-4 dicembre 2000, 2003
Alleo Review, 2009
moderna cultura occidentale -che ci lasciamo ormai alle spalle, nel momento in cui si assiste al ... more moderna cultura occidentale -che ci lasciamo ormai alle spalle, nel momento in cui si assiste al «tramonto globale del Moderno» -ama considerarsi erede dei Greci nell'arte della politica e nell'arte del filosofare. Non c'è dubbio, in effetti, che i Greci abbiano lasciato un segno profondo, anzi un immenso tracciato di fondazione, sia nell'uno sia nell'altro campo. L'arte della politica e quella del filosofare sono, del resto, fra loro strettamente connesse: il discorso filosofico si intreccia con il discorso politico dei Greci poiché la polis è nello stesso tempo presupposto e oggetto dell'attività filosofica.
Mythos, 2009
Written laws feature more or less self-evident innovations and at least partly change any pre-exi... more Written laws feature more or less self-evident innovations and at least partly change any pre-existing state of affairs, oral common law in the first instance, since any new law integrates or modifies older ones. Society tends to change its laws in time, and present or future changes are only perceived in written texts. Conversely, changes are not apparent when law is managed orally – no addition or correction can be acknowledged without being written, since comparison between laws passed by one generation and those enacted by any later one becomes a well-nigh impossible task. What does the perception of changes introduced by written laws lead to? How to react to changes made obviously visible by a written text? What mechanisms are triggered off when a change to law has been perceived? The ancient cultures of Mesopotamia, Anatolia, Israel and Greece need exploring to reply to such questions.
Storie di Atene, storia dei Greci. Studi e ricerche di attidografia, 2010
Jacoby's Atthis appeared in 1949 and discussion on the theories it upheld has continued ever sinc... more Jacoby's Atthis appeared in 1949 and discussion on the theories it upheld has continued ever since. Apart from general issues on the development and identification of five Greek historical writing types – genealogy, ethnography, chronography, Zeitgeschichte and local history – the main objections concern:
a) the relationship between «great» and «local» historiography (Jacoby thought the latter presupposed the former but research after his masterful book moved to a far different approach);
b) the political character of the Atthides, after works by Cleidemos and Androtion (strongly supported by Jacoby, but denied by others, Harding particularly);
c) the characterization of «the elements of tradition», essentially oral tradition and documents (which research after Jacob quite obviously views in terms other than his);
d) the relationship between Atthides and Politeiai (which Jacoby decidedly distinguished, though perhaps not altogether consistently).
This paper proposes a balance of the debate, and suggests a viewpoint on the factors supporting a new interest in the past of Athens during the latter decades of the fifth century BC. As regards Jacoby’s legacy, Oswyn Murray is anyhow right in saying: «It would be a true revolution if we could be persuaded to cease from either repeating or contradicting the views of Jacoby: but I remain sceptical whether that is yet possible».
CLISTHÈNE ET LYCURGUE D ’ATHÈNES. AUTOUR DU POLITIQUE DANS LA CITÉ CLASSIQUE, 2011
Studi in onore di Vincenzo La Rosa, 2011
CRETAN LAWS THROUGH THE LOOKING-GLASS OF ARCHILOCUS
AND THE FIRST PHASES OF THE HISTORY OF NOMOS... more CRETAN LAWS THROUGH THE LOOKING-GLASS OF ARCHILOCUS
AND THE FIRST PHASES OF THE HISTORY OF NOMOS
The Greeks thought that Crete was the cradle of the codification of law. The quantity
of surviving juridical inscriptions, dating back to the VII century BC, demonstrate that this reputation was not unjustified. A fragment of Archilochus says (F 232 West): νόμος δὲ Κρητικὸς διδάσκεται. What does nomos mean here? According to the author of this paper, the word nomos began to be used as a term to qualify (written) law starting from the moment in which a polis tried to intervene on its destiny through a system of rules that, sharing themselves in a homogeneous way among the entitled ones (the politai) and establishing the attributions of each of them, showed a way out from the perennial conflict which always threatened polis life. (Not by chance nomos is linked with nemein, which indicates a particular kind of distribution). Around the middle of the VII century BC, Archilochus could have used the word nomos in that meaning, acknowledging in a rather ironic way the paradigmatic value of the laws of the island of Crete. If this was the case, this would have been the first – paradoxical – celebration of the juridical wisdom of Crete, praised by several later authors.
Politiche religiose nel mondo antico e tardoantico, 2011
E noi stessi, che allora saremo nella tomba, contro quanti trasgrediscano questo giuramento agire... more E noi stessi, che allora saremo nella tomba, contro quanti trasgrediscano questo giuramento agiremo con sventure senza rimedio, rendendo esauste le loro marce e infausti i loro tragitti, finché si pentano della fatica. (Eschilo, Eumenidi,(767)(768)(769)(770)(771) Giovanni Cecconi e io ci siamo interrogati circa il titolo che avrebbe dovuto avere questa mia comunicazione. Fermo restando che il filo conduttore del nostro incontro è rappresentato dai rapporti fra politica e religione nel mondo antico (più esattamente, per quanto mi riguarda, nella Grecia arcaica), è da preferire «Oreste fra l'Odissea e il Peloponneso» o piuttosto «Oreste fra il Peloponneso e l'Odissea»? Le due opzioni non si equivalgono: sottoscrivere l'una o l'altra significa, a ben guardare, compiere una scelta precisa. Proprio perché non si tratta di una questione formale, spenderò qualche parola sulle ragioni che militano a favore della prima opzione, più accomodante o, per converso, a favore della seconda, più ostica. La prima opzione («Oreste fra l'Odissea e il Peloponneso») appare quasi ovvia, in quanto riconferma l'immagine dell'epos omerico come tracciato di fondazione della Grecità, laddove la seconda opzione («Oreste fra il Peloponneso e l'Odissea») è meno scontata, in quanto antepone le dinamiche in atto nel Peloponneso arcaico a un poema epico che si tende a datare entro la prima metà del VII secolo 1 . Se si sottoscrive la seconda opzione, l'effetto che ne risulta è senza dubbio perturbante. Ciò nondimeno, lo sfondo peloponnesiaco è a mio avviso fondamentale per comprendere come i poeti dell'Odissea tratteggiano la figura e il modus operandi di Oreste. Prenderemo, dunque, le mosse dalle strategie esperite nel Peloponneso arcaico
«Politica antica», 2011
Why introduce Cleisthenes in the Athenian political discourse about 411 B.C.? In the turmoil of t... more Why introduce Cleisthenes in the Athenian political discourse about 411 B.C.? In the turmoil of those years, Athenian democracy collapsed for the first time and Cleisthenes – its recognized founder – was used for the sake of a subtle manipulation of reality. In the hands of the oligarchs, Cleisthenes became a pale epigone of Solon. But “Solonian” moderation also was, of course, a product of ideological distortion.
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Papers by giorgio camassa
a) the relationship between «great» and «local» historiography (Jacoby thought the latter presupposed the former but research after his masterful book moved to a far different approach);
b) the political character of the Atthides, after works by Cleidemos and Androtion (strongly supported by Jacoby, but denied by others, Harding particularly);
c) the characterization of «the elements of tradition», essentially oral tradition and documents (which research after Jacob quite obviously views in terms other than his);
d) the relationship between Atthides and Politeiai (which Jacoby decidedly distinguished, though perhaps not altogether consistently).
This paper proposes a balance of the debate, and suggests a viewpoint on the factors supporting a new interest in the past of Athens during the latter decades of the fifth century BC. As regards Jacoby’s legacy, Oswyn Murray is anyhow right in saying: «It would be a true revolution if we could be persuaded to cease from either repeating or contradicting the views of Jacoby: but I remain sceptical whether that is yet possible».
AND THE FIRST PHASES OF THE HISTORY OF NOMOS
The Greeks thought that Crete was the cradle of the codification of law. The quantity
of surviving juridical inscriptions, dating back to the VII century BC, demonstrate that this reputation was not unjustified. A fragment of Archilochus says (F 232 West): νόμος δὲ Κρητικὸς διδάσκεται. What does nomos mean here? According to the author of this paper, the word nomos began to be used as a term to qualify (written) law starting from the moment in which a polis tried to intervene on its destiny through a system of rules that, sharing themselves in a homogeneous way among the entitled ones (the politai) and establishing the attributions of each of them, showed a way out from the perennial conflict which always threatened polis life. (Not by chance nomos is linked with nemein, which indicates a particular kind of distribution). Around the middle of the VII century BC, Archilochus could have used the word nomos in that meaning, acknowledging in a rather ironic way the paradigmatic value of the laws of the island of Crete. If this was the case, this would have been the first – paradoxical – celebration of the juridical wisdom of Crete, praised by several later authors.
a) the relationship between «great» and «local» historiography (Jacoby thought the latter presupposed the former but research after his masterful book moved to a far different approach);
b) the political character of the Atthides, after works by Cleidemos and Androtion (strongly supported by Jacoby, but denied by others, Harding particularly);
c) the characterization of «the elements of tradition», essentially oral tradition and documents (which research after Jacob quite obviously views in terms other than his);
d) the relationship between Atthides and Politeiai (which Jacoby decidedly distinguished, though perhaps not altogether consistently).
This paper proposes a balance of the debate, and suggests a viewpoint on the factors supporting a new interest in the past of Athens during the latter decades of the fifth century BC. As regards Jacoby’s legacy, Oswyn Murray is anyhow right in saying: «It would be a true revolution if we could be persuaded to cease from either repeating or contradicting the views of Jacoby: but I remain sceptical whether that is yet possible».
AND THE FIRST PHASES OF THE HISTORY OF NOMOS
The Greeks thought that Crete was the cradle of the codification of law. The quantity
of surviving juridical inscriptions, dating back to the VII century BC, demonstrate that this reputation was not unjustified. A fragment of Archilochus says (F 232 West): νόμος δὲ Κρητικὸς διδάσκεται. What does nomos mean here? According to the author of this paper, the word nomos began to be used as a term to qualify (written) law starting from the moment in which a polis tried to intervene on its destiny through a system of rules that, sharing themselves in a homogeneous way among the entitled ones (the politai) and establishing the attributions of each of them, showed a way out from the perennial conflict which always threatened polis life. (Not by chance nomos is linked with nemein, which indicates a particular kind of distribution). Around the middle of the VII century BC, Archilochus could have used the word nomos in that meaning, acknowledging in a rather ironic way the paradigmatic value of the laws of the island of Crete. If this was the case, this would have been the first – paradoxical – celebration of the juridical wisdom of Crete, praised by several later authors.
La salvezza, intramondana od oltremondana, è solo uno dei soggetti delle pagine che seguono; deuteragonista è il corpo. Più esattamente il suo statuto. Quale posto si vede di volta in volta assegnato il corpo all’interno del discorso sulla salvezza? Poiché il corpo è il veicolo attraverso cui gli umani interagiscono con la realtà esterna, prevale la tendenza a includerlo nel progetto salvifico o piuttosto la tendenza opposta? Se tali sono le domande di fondo, dovrebbe esser chiaro che questo non è semplicemente uno studio sul corpo; il corpo è qui parte di un sistema ideologico e valoriale decisamente più vasto.
Key-words: Christianity, anthropology, estrangement, body, salvation