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Tamas Matura

Corvinus University of Budapest, Institute for International Studies, Faculty Member

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Dragan Pavlicevic

Xi'an Jiaotong-Liverpool University

China-CEE Institute

Richard Q . Turcsanyi

Palacky University, Olomouc

Palacky University, Olomouc

Viktor Eszterhai

Ivan Nikolovski

Central European University

Institute of International Relations

Ahmet Eren Üncel

Euroopa Uuringute Instituut

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Papers by Tamas Matura

Trade, Investment and Politics between China and Central and Eastern Europe Economic Necessity or a Trojan Horse?

for their constant support, patience and encouragement in the long process of finalising the diss... more for their constant support, patience and encouragement in the long process of finalising the dissertation. Furthermore, I would like to thank my parents and family for their help in achieving this step of my professional development. Thank you all! within the EU?, Brussels: European Institute for Asian Studies.

Jog, vallás és retorika

Debreceni jogi műhely, 2009

Cicero – Válogatott védőbeszdek I

Debreceni jogi műhely, 2009

Civilisations from East to West

“Dracunculus against the dragon”: Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s public vaccination as simultaneous enactment of public health and foreign policy

Journal of contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, Jun 6, 2023

A koronavírus-járvány hatása Kína megítélésére Közép-Európában. Hasonlóságok és különbségek a visegrádi országokban

Tér és Társadalom

A Nyugat és Kína között húzódó politikai és gazdasági törésvonalat minden korábbinál jobban elmél... more A Nyugat és Kína között húzódó politikai és gazdasági törésvonalat minden korábbinál jobban elmélyítette a koronavírus-járvány. Azonban míg a nagypolitika és a gazdasági kapcsolatok kevésbé hatottak az európaiak Kínáról kialakított véleményére, addig a pandémia a társadalom minden szegmensét érintette, és komoly indulatokat váltott ki Pekinggel szemben. Az Európai Unió közvéleményének esetleges Kína-ellenes fordulata megnehezítheti a két gazdasági óriás közötti együttműködést, míg a geopolitikai feszültségek növekedése gyengítheti mindkét fél nemzetközi kapcsolatait. Ezért fontos megismerni e hangulatváltozás jellegét, mértékét és okait. Tanulmányunk alapját egy reprezentatív nemzetközi közvélemény-kutatás adja, mely az Európai Unió tíz tagállama mellett Szerbiára és Oroszországra is kiterjedt, és országonként 1 500 válaszadóval, több mint 350 elemből álló kérdőív felhasználásával készült. Jelen tanulmány célja, hogy az említett közvélemény-kutatás során vizsgált európai országok kö...

Hungary and China relations

China's Relations with Central and Eastern Europe, 2017

Having spent more than a decade occupied with its EU and NATO accession process Hungary was among... more Having spent more than a decade occupied with its EU and NATO accession process Hungary was among the first post-socialist Central and Eastern European countries to rediscover China as a potentially important international partner. As a consequence, all of the four Hungarian prime ministers have visited Beijing and as a remarkable effort to boost bilateral relations, the Hungarian government hosted the first meeting of the Central and Eastern European countries and China in 2011, with the presence of then Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao. Considering the size of the country, Budapest enjoys a relatively high attention in Beijing, probably due to the numerous Chinese community and some early positive political gestures of the Hungarian government towards China. Some might even argue that the legend of ancient Sino-Hungarian brotherhood might have played an important initial role as well. Indeed, Hungarian is the only Western nation where family names precede given names, just like in China. Whatever the reason is, it is a fact that Hungary has received the largest amount of Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in the CEE region for the time being , and the country may play an important role in the Belt and Road initiative of President Xi Jinping. As to trade relations, Hungary is one of the most important partners of China in Central and Eastern Europe, though international trade is dominated by multinational companies to a high extent. The following paper provides an insight to the major achievements of Sino-Hungarian cooperation and to the impact of the 16+1 and Belt and Road (OBOR) projects on bilateral ties.

Articles : Central Europe and the Republic of Korea: Politics, Economy, and Perceptions

Most Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries view the Republic of Korea (ROK) as one of thei... more Most Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries view the Republic of Korea (ROK) as one of their most important partners in Asia. Korean firms have invested tremendous amounts of capital in CEE countries, and they share the same political values as well. Even so, literature on bilateral relations and public sentiment is scarce. Here I attempt to provide a comprehensive picture of political and economic relations between certain CEE countries and the ROK. For scientific added value findings are based on 101 interviews conducted with international relations students from four different nations to assess the image of South and North Korea in an international context.

Der fehlgeleitete Diskurs über Chinas Einfluss in Mitteleuropa – treffpunkteuropa.de

treffpunkteuropa kontrovers diskutiert uber den Einfluss Chinas in Mittelosteuropa: Fur Tamas Mat... more

Civilizációk Kelettől Nyugatig

China–CEE Trade, Investment and Politics

Europe-Asia Studies, 2019

The growing and intensifying cooperation between China and 16 Central and Eastern European (CEE) ... more The growing and intensifying cooperation between China and 16 Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries has generated extensive criticism by and concerns among EU institutions and Western European member states of the Union. According to diplomatic presumptions, China aims to gain political leverage in exchange for economic benefits in the EU through its CEE members. The following article attempts to evaluate the correlation between the quality of bilateral political relations and economic relations of China and CEE countries in order to draw conclusions on the importance or, on the contrary, the irrelevance of Chinese activity in the region. THE AIM OF THIS ARTICLE IS TO CONTRIBUTE TO THE LITERATURE on the link between international trade, investment and politics through an assessment of the state of bilateral relations between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Central and Eastern European countries (CEE). 1 After decades of fluctuating fortunes, China's relationship with its CEE partners is witnessing a new beginning since the establishment of the cooperation between China and 16 Central and Eastern European countries-the so-called '16+1 cooperation'-in 2011. 2 At first glance, the economic prospects of cooperation are bright: CEE countries need liquidity and investment, China needs investment opportunities and new markets, and both sides are eager to boost their trade relations. However, success appears less obvious if one takes a closer look. At the same time, certain institutions and major Western member states of the European Union (EU) have been expressing their concerns with regard to Chinese activities among CEE EU members. CEE governments have faced criticism by their Western counterparts and EU institutions, which claim that CEE EU member states see trade and investment benefits from China as more important than the political cohesion of Europe, and that 'China and the 16 CEE countries are building a new Berlin Wall', as a Western diplomat said under Chatham House rules in 2013.

The Belt and Road Initiative depicted in Hungary and Slovakia

Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies, 2018

Central and Eastern European countries, like Hungary and Slovakia, are located along the Western ... more Central and Eastern European countries, like Hungary and Slovakia, are located along the Western section of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and serve as a gateway to the European Union. Thus, the participation of the CEE region is inevitable in the BRI, and the attitude of national governments and the public opinion may have an impact on the future of EU-China relations in the framework of the new "Silk Road" connecting the East to the West. The following paper offers an introduction to the so-called 16 + 1 cooperation of China and its 16 partners in the CEE region, and analyzes the political environment, public support, and media discourse of the BRI in two selected countries of Central and Eastern Europe.

Chinese investments and financial engagement in Visegrad countries: myth or reality?

According to MOFCOM statistics, Chinese companies invested overseas in 5090 enterprises, in 156 c... more According to MOFCOM statistics, Chinese companies invested overseas in 5090 enterprises, in 156 countries and regions in 2013. Chinese nonfinancial OFDI amounted to 90.17 billion US dollars, up by 16.8 percent over last year, of which equity investments and other investments were 72.77 billion, accounting for 80.7 percent, and earnings reinvested were 17.4 billion, accounting for 19.3 percent. As of the end of 2013, China's non-financial direct investment overseas totaled 525.7 billion US dollars. While more and more Chinese companies are investing overseas, Chinese OFDI raises concerns and therefore causes strengthening protectionism against it, especially in the developed world. Several experts believe that Chinese OFDI could be greater if host countries were more hospitable. According to He and Wang, there are several reasons for that: 10 Ágnes Szunomár -Zsuzsánna Biedermann Chinese OFDI in Europe and the Central and Eastern European region in a global context 13 2 According to MOFCOM statistics, the outward equity joint venture FDI was 21.7 billion US dollars in 2012, while the realized value of contractual joint ventures was 2.3 billion US dollars in the same year. Its share of total Chinese OFDI was 19.4 and 2.1, respectively. 3 For example, according to MOFCOM data, in 2010, almost 80 percent of Chinese OFDI was destined to the services sector, 13 percent of total OFDI stock invested in financial services. The European Union has been the major destination for foreign direct investments in the last twenty years, with a preponderance of intra-European FDI, extra-European FDI representing only about one-third of the total sum. Compared to the aggregate, Chinese foreign direct investment stock in the EU remains insignificant. However, regarding the trends and dynamism of Chinese inward FDI, the economic "footprint" and impact of Chinese foreign direct investment in the EU is indisputably expanding. Although Chinese investors continue to breed anxiety in Europe, several experts point out that growing European investments are simply part of the going global strategy rather than a specific grand design related to Europe (Hanemann, 2013). Hanemann also points out commercial reasons behind most investments: the acquisition of rich-world brands and technology to increase competitiveness, money-saving by moving higher value-added activities in countries where regulatory frameworks are more developed, or by acquiring firms cheaper due to the crisis or due to a stronger renminbi (Hanemann, 2012). So the crisis only accelerated the long-term Chinese strategy of going global and moving up the value chain (Jonas Parello-Plesner, 2013, p.19). According to Eurostat statistics, in 2009 and 2010, Chinese FDI stock into the EU 27 amounted to 5.9 and 6.1 billion euros respectively. However, in 2011, Chinese FDI stock reached 18.5 billion euros and by the end of 2012, 26.8 billion euros (still only 0.068 percent of total stocks held by the rest of the world in the EU27)(Eurostat News Release, 12/2014). The sudden surge is due to large-scale acquisitions in utilities, consumer products, industrial machinery, and infrastructure. However, Chinese statistics show a similar trend, but different numbers. MOFCOM has not yet released data for 2011 and 2012 when investment trends became more dynamic and country rankings changed according to European data. Chinese OFDI stock in Europe (but taking into account European countries that are not member states of the EU like Albania, Azerbaijan, etc.) amounted to 3352.72 billion US dollars and 6760.19 billion US dollars in 2009 and 2010. Outward Chinese FDI stocks in major EU economies reached 1689.3 billion US dollars in the UK, 1523 billion US dollars in France, 1421.3 billion US dollars in Germany and 336.1 billion US dollars in Sweden (MOFCOM, 2010). Taking into account MOFCOM statistics, in 2010, the flow of Chinese OFDI to Europe doubled over that in 2009 (Davies, 2012, p.3). In order to highlight the difference between Chinese and European statistics, Figure . showsan illustration of Chinese OFDI in the EU in

Central Europe and the Republic of Korea: Politics, Economy and Perceptions

Most Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries view the Republic of Korea (ROK) as one of thei... more Most Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries view the Republic of Korea (ROK) as one of their most important partners in Asia. Korean firms have invested tremendous amounts of capital in CEE countries, and they share the same political values as well. Even so, literature on bilateral relations and public sentiment is scarce. Here I attempt to provide a comprehensive picture of political and economic relations between certain CEE countries and the ROK. For scientific added value findings are based on 101 interviews conducted with international relations students from four different nations to assess the image of South and North Korea in an international context.

The Northeast Asian Security Subcomplex

In: Europe-Asia regional security challenges (eds.: Béla Háda and Erzsébet N. Rózsa). National Un... more

Hungarian – Chinese Relations: Foreign Trade and Investments

FDI investment cannot help mitigate the huge gap in foreign trade between the two countries. In t... more FDI investment cannot help mitigate the huge gap in foreign trade between the two countries. In the last years the Hungarian deficit in bilateral trade continuously increased. Hungary could not reach surplus even in agriculture. While a regional leader in incoming FDI, Hungary is still negligible from the point of view of China.

China's Economic Expansion into Central Europe

Asian Studies - 2013

Content Péter Wintermantel: Foreword. Asian Studies, Volume 2 Editor’s Note László Árva: India: t... more Content Péter Wintermantel: Foreword. Asian Studies, Volume 2 Editor’s Note László Árva: India: the Changing Structure of the Economy . László Csicsmann – Erzsébet N. Rózsa: The Minority Issue in the Middle East, with the Kurdish Community in Focus Béla Fazekas: Democratic Transition in Myanmar – Lessons to Learn Judit Hamberger: China in Central Europe Imre Szilágyi: China’s Engagement in Slovenia and the Western Balkans in the Light of the Warsaw Meeting Tamás Matura: China’s Economic Expansion into Central Europe Liu Zuokui: New Opportunities and Challenges for China’s Investment in Central and Eastern Europe Dragana Mitrović: Political Economy of the Chinese Investments in Eastern, Central and South-East Europe Kinga Szálkai: Non-Proliferation without Assurances in Central Asia The Publisher

Asian Studies - 2011

Content: János Hóvári: Preface István Szerdahelyi, Szabolcs Takács, and Péter Wintermantel: The I... more Content: János Hóvári: Preface István Szerdahelyi, Szabolcs Takács, and Péter Wintermantel: The Implementation of Hungary’s Asia-Policy during the Hungarian Presidency of the Council of the European Union Tamás Matura: Editor’s Note Zsuzsánna Biedermann: Multipolar Financial World – Multi-Pillar Reserve Currency System? László Csicsmann: Normalisation through Cricket Diplomacy? An Analysis of Indo-Pakistani Relations in the 21st Century Emília Fábián: Priorities of Security Policy: Responses of Japan and the European Union to New Global Challenges in the 21st Century Béla Háda: Some Questions about India’s Great-Power Politics in the Last Decade András Inotai: Impact of the Global Crisis on EU–China Relations: Facts, Chances and Potential Risks Erzsébet N. Rózsa: Iran and China – Looking for an Alliance and Regional Power Status Lajos Rácz: The Impact of Inter-Regional (EU–China) Relations on the Security of Eurasia Ágnes Szunomár: The Present and Future of the China–EU Relationship...

European public opinion on China in the age of COVID-19: Differences and common ground across the continent

Trade, Investment and Politics between China and Central and Eastern Europe Economic Necessity or a Trojan Horse?

for their constant support, patience and encouragement in the long process of finalising the diss... more for their constant support, patience and encouragement in the long process of finalising the dissertation. Furthermore, I would like to thank my parents and family for their help in achieving this step of my professional development. Thank you all! within the EU?, Brussels: European Institute for Asian Studies.

Jog, vallás és retorika

Debreceni jogi műhely, 2009

Cicero – Válogatott védőbeszdek I

Debreceni jogi műhely, 2009

Civilisations from East to West

“Dracunculus against the dragon”: Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s public vaccination as simultaneous enactment of public health and foreign policy

Journal of contemporary Central and Eastern Europe, Jun 6, 2023

A koronavírus-járvány hatása Kína megítélésére Közép-Európában. Hasonlóságok és különbségek a visegrádi országokban

Tér és Társadalom

A Nyugat és Kína között húzódó politikai és gazdasági törésvonalat minden korábbinál jobban elmél... more A Nyugat és Kína között húzódó politikai és gazdasági törésvonalat minden korábbinál jobban elmélyítette a koronavírus-járvány. Azonban míg a nagypolitika és a gazdasági kapcsolatok kevésbé hatottak az európaiak Kínáról kialakított véleményére, addig a pandémia a társadalom minden szegmensét érintette, és komoly indulatokat váltott ki Pekinggel szemben. Az Európai Unió közvéleményének esetleges Kína-ellenes fordulata megnehezítheti a két gazdasági óriás közötti együttműködést, míg a geopolitikai feszültségek növekedése gyengítheti mindkét fél nemzetközi kapcsolatait. Ezért fontos megismerni e hangulatváltozás jellegét, mértékét és okait. Tanulmányunk alapját egy reprezentatív nemzetközi közvélemény-kutatás adja, mely az Európai Unió tíz tagállama mellett Szerbiára és Oroszországra is kiterjedt, és országonként 1 500 válaszadóval, több mint 350 elemből álló kérdőív felhasználásával készült. Jelen tanulmány célja, hogy az említett közvélemény-kutatás során vizsgált európai országok kö...

Hungary and China relations

China's Relations with Central and Eastern Europe, 2017

Having spent more than a decade occupied with its EU and NATO accession process Hungary was among... more Having spent more than a decade occupied with its EU and NATO accession process Hungary was among the first post-socialist Central and Eastern European countries to rediscover China as a potentially important international partner. As a consequence, all of the four Hungarian prime ministers have visited Beijing and as a remarkable effort to boost bilateral relations, the Hungarian government hosted the first meeting of the Central and Eastern European countries and China in 2011, with the presence of then Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao. Considering the size of the country, Budapest enjoys a relatively high attention in Beijing, probably due to the numerous Chinese community and some early positive political gestures of the Hungarian government towards China. Some might even argue that the legend of ancient Sino-Hungarian brotherhood might have played an important initial role as well. Indeed, Hungarian is the only Western nation where family names precede given names, just like in China. Whatever the reason is, it is a fact that Hungary has received the largest amount of Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in the CEE region for the time being , and the country may play an important role in the Belt and Road initiative of President Xi Jinping. As to trade relations, Hungary is one of the most important partners of China in Central and Eastern Europe, though international trade is dominated by multinational companies to a high extent. The following paper provides an insight to the major achievements of Sino-Hungarian cooperation and to the impact of the 16+1 and Belt and Road (OBOR) projects on bilateral ties.

Articles : Central Europe and the Republic of Korea: Politics, Economy, and Perceptions

Most Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries view the Republic of Korea (ROK) as one of thei... more Most Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries view the Republic of Korea (ROK) as one of their most important partners in Asia. Korean firms have invested tremendous amounts of capital in CEE countries, and they share the same political values as well. Even so, literature on bilateral relations and public sentiment is scarce. Here I attempt to provide a comprehensive picture of political and economic relations between certain CEE countries and the ROK. For scientific added value findings are based on 101 interviews conducted with international relations students from four different nations to assess the image of South and North Korea in an international context.

Der fehlgeleitete Diskurs über Chinas Einfluss in Mitteleuropa – treffpunkteuropa.de

treffpunkteuropa kontrovers diskutiert uber den Einfluss Chinas in Mittelosteuropa: Fur Tamas Mat... more

Civilizációk Kelettől Nyugatig

China–CEE Trade, Investment and Politics

Europe-Asia Studies, 2019

The growing and intensifying cooperation between China and 16 Central and Eastern European (CEE) ... more The growing and intensifying cooperation between China and 16 Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries has generated extensive criticism by and concerns among EU institutions and Western European member states of the Union. According to diplomatic presumptions, China aims to gain political leverage in exchange for economic benefits in the EU through its CEE members. The following article attempts to evaluate the correlation between the quality of bilateral political relations and economic relations of China and CEE countries in order to draw conclusions on the importance or, on the contrary, the irrelevance of Chinese activity in the region. THE AIM OF THIS ARTICLE IS TO CONTRIBUTE TO THE LITERATURE on the link between international trade, investment and politics through an assessment of the state of bilateral relations between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Central and Eastern European countries (CEE). 1 After decades of fluctuating fortunes, China's relationship with its CEE partners is witnessing a new beginning since the establishment of the cooperation between China and 16 Central and Eastern European countries-the so-called '16+1 cooperation'-in 2011. 2 At first glance, the economic prospects of cooperation are bright: CEE countries need liquidity and investment, China needs investment opportunities and new markets, and both sides are eager to boost their trade relations. However, success appears less obvious if one takes a closer look. At the same time, certain institutions and major Western member states of the European Union (EU) have been expressing their concerns with regard to Chinese activities among CEE EU members. CEE governments have faced criticism by their Western counterparts and EU institutions, which claim that CEE EU member states see trade and investment benefits from China as more important than the political cohesion of Europe, and that 'China and the 16 CEE countries are building a new Berlin Wall', as a Western diplomat said under Chatham House rules in 2013.

The Belt and Road Initiative depicted in Hungary and Slovakia

Journal of Contemporary East Asia Studies, 2018

Central and Eastern European countries, like Hungary and Slovakia, are located along the Western ... more Central and Eastern European countries, like Hungary and Slovakia, are located along the Western section of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and serve as a gateway to the European Union. Thus, the participation of the CEE region is inevitable in the BRI, and the attitude of national governments and the public opinion may have an impact on the future of EU-China relations in the framework of the new "Silk Road" connecting the East to the West. The following paper offers an introduction to the so-called 16 + 1 cooperation of China and its 16 partners in the CEE region, and analyzes the political environment, public support, and media discourse of the BRI in two selected countries of Central and Eastern Europe.

Chinese investments and financial engagement in Visegrad countries: myth or reality?

According to MOFCOM statistics, Chinese companies invested overseas in 5090 enterprises, in 156 c... more According to MOFCOM statistics, Chinese companies invested overseas in 5090 enterprises, in 156 countries and regions in 2013. Chinese nonfinancial OFDI amounted to 90.17 billion US dollars, up by 16.8 percent over last year, of which equity investments and other investments were 72.77 billion, accounting for 80.7 percent, and earnings reinvested were 17.4 billion, accounting for 19.3 percent. As of the end of 2013, China's non-financial direct investment overseas totaled 525.7 billion US dollars. While more and more Chinese companies are investing overseas, Chinese OFDI raises concerns and therefore causes strengthening protectionism against it, especially in the developed world. Several experts believe that Chinese OFDI could be greater if host countries were more hospitable. According to He and Wang, there are several reasons for that: 10 Ágnes Szunomár -Zsuzsánna Biedermann Chinese OFDI in Europe and the Central and Eastern European region in a global context 13 2 According to MOFCOM statistics, the outward equity joint venture FDI was 21.7 billion US dollars in 2012, while the realized value of contractual joint ventures was 2.3 billion US dollars in the same year. Its share of total Chinese OFDI was 19.4 and 2.1, respectively. 3 For example, according to MOFCOM data, in 2010, almost 80 percent of Chinese OFDI was destined to the services sector, 13 percent of total OFDI stock invested in financial services. The European Union has been the major destination for foreign direct investments in the last twenty years, with a preponderance of intra-European FDI, extra-European FDI representing only about one-third of the total sum. Compared to the aggregate, Chinese foreign direct investment stock in the EU remains insignificant. However, regarding the trends and dynamism of Chinese inward FDI, the economic "footprint" and impact of Chinese foreign direct investment in the EU is indisputably expanding. Although Chinese investors continue to breed anxiety in Europe, several experts point out that growing European investments are simply part of the going global strategy rather than a specific grand design related to Europe (Hanemann, 2013). Hanemann also points out commercial reasons behind most investments: the acquisition of rich-world brands and technology to increase competitiveness, money-saving by moving higher value-added activities in countries where regulatory frameworks are more developed, or by acquiring firms cheaper due to the crisis or due to a stronger renminbi (Hanemann, 2012). So the crisis only accelerated the long-term Chinese strategy of going global and moving up the value chain (Jonas Parello-Plesner, 2013, p.19). According to Eurostat statistics, in 2009 and 2010, Chinese FDI stock into the EU 27 amounted to 5.9 and 6.1 billion euros respectively. However, in 2011, Chinese FDI stock reached 18.5 billion euros and by the end of 2012, 26.8 billion euros (still only 0.068 percent of total stocks held by the rest of the world in the EU27)(Eurostat News Release, 12/2014). The sudden surge is due to large-scale acquisitions in utilities, consumer products, industrial machinery, and infrastructure. However, Chinese statistics show a similar trend, but different numbers. MOFCOM has not yet released data for 2011 and 2012 when investment trends became more dynamic and country rankings changed according to European data. Chinese OFDI stock in Europe (but taking into account European countries that are not member states of the EU like Albania, Azerbaijan, etc.) amounted to 3352.72 billion US dollars and 6760.19 billion US dollars in 2009 and 2010. Outward Chinese FDI stocks in major EU economies reached 1689.3 billion US dollars in the UK, 1523 billion US dollars in France, 1421.3 billion US dollars in Germany and 336.1 billion US dollars in Sweden (MOFCOM, 2010). Taking into account MOFCOM statistics, in 2010, the flow of Chinese OFDI to Europe doubled over that in 2009 (Davies, 2012, p.3). In order to highlight the difference between Chinese and European statistics, Figure . showsan illustration of Chinese OFDI in the EU in

Central Europe and the Republic of Korea: Politics, Economy and Perceptions

Most Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries view the Republic of Korea (ROK) as one of thei... more Most Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries view the Republic of Korea (ROK) as one of their most important partners in Asia. Korean firms have invested tremendous amounts of capital in CEE countries, and they share the same political values as well. Even so, literature on bilateral relations and public sentiment is scarce. Here I attempt to provide a comprehensive picture of political and economic relations between certain CEE countries and the ROK. For scientific added value findings are based on 101 interviews conducted with international relations students from four different nations to assess the image of South and North Korea in an international context.

The Northeast Asian Security Subcomplex

In: Europe-Asia regional security challenges (eds.: Béla Háda and Erzsébet N. Rózsa). National Un... more

Hungarian – Chinese Relations: Foreign Trade and Investments

FDI investment cannot help mitigate the huge gap in foreign trade between the two countries. In t... more FDI investment cannot help mitigate the huge gap in foreign trade between the two countries. In the last years the Hungarian deficit in bilateral trade continuously increased. Hungary could not reach surplus even in agriculture. While a regional leader in incoming FDI, Hungary is still negligible from the point of view of China.

China's Economic Expansion into Central Europe

Asian Studies - 2013

Content Péter Wintermantel: Foreword. Asian Studies, Volume 2 Editor’s Note László Árva: India: t... more Content Péter Wintermantel: Foreword. Asian Studies, Volume 2 Editor’s Note László Árva: India: the Changing Structure of the Economy . László Csicsmann – Erzsébet N. Rózsa: The Minority Issue in the Middle East, with the Kurdish Community in Focus Béla Fazekas: Democratic Transition in Myanmar – Lessons to Learn Judit Hamberger: China in Central Europe Imre Szilágyi: China’s Engagement in Slovenia and the Western Balkans in the Light of the Warsaw Meeting Tamás Matura: China’s Economic Expansion into Central Europe Liu Zuokui: New Opportunities and Challenges for China’s Investment in Central and Eastern Europe Dragana Mitrović: Political Economy of the Chinese Investments in Eastern, Central and South-East Europe Kinga Szálkai: Non-Proliferation without Assurances in Central Asia The Publisher

Asian Studies - 2011

Content: János Hóvári: Preface István Szerdahelyi, Szabolcs Takács, and Péter Wintermantel: The I... more Content: János Hóvári: Preface István Szerdahelyi, Szabolcs Takács, and Péter Wintermantel: The Implementation of Hungary’s Asia-Policy during the Hungarian Presidency of the Council of the European Union Tamás Matura: Editor’s Note Zsuzsánna Biedermann: Multipolar Financial World – Multi-Pillar Reserve Currency System? László Csicsmann: Normalisation through Cricket Diplomacy? An Analysis of Indo-Pakistani Relations in the 21st Century Emília Fábián: Priorities of Security Policy: Responses of Japan and the European Union to New Global Challenges in the 21st Century Béla Háda: Some Questions about India’s Great-Power Politics in the Last Decade András Inotai: Impact of the Global Crisis on EU–China Relations: Facts, Chances and Potential Risks Erzsébet N. Rózsa: Iran and China – Looking for an Alliance and Regional Power Status Lajos Rácz: The Impact of Inter-Regional (EU–China) Relations on the Security of Eurasia Ágnes Szunomár: The Present and Future of the China–EU Relationship...

European public opinion on China in the age of COVID-19: Differences and common ground across the continent

China and Central Europe: Success or Failure

Eight years have passed since Hungary had the pleasure to welcome then Premier Wen Jiabao, and to... more Eight years have passed since Hungary had the pleasure to welcome then Premier Wen Jiabao, and to organise the first China–Central and Eastern European Countries Economic and Trade Forum, the foundation of the cooperation between Beijing and its sixteen regional partner countries, or the 16 + 1 initiative as we know it today. Relations to China were high on the political agenda of all Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries in the past years, as everybody was hoping for higher levels of financial liquidity, new jobs and enhanced economic activity amid the crisis-ridden economic environment of the European Union.This book was written in the framework of a larger research project of the National University of Public Service, Budapest. The project was supported by the research funds of the European Union, and its main aim was to analyse the foreign policy and international affairs of ten CEE countries. The following chapters will guide the reader into the details of the China policy of Austria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia and Ukraine, that is, it includes the most important countries of the 16 + 1 cooperation, but also goes beyond that framework and offers an insight into the approach of Austria, a wealthy western nation, and Ukraine, a developing Eastern European country. The authors are all one of the most renowned China and foreign policy experts of their respective nations with remarkable experiences and expertise in their field of research.

Hungary: Along the New Silk Road across Central Europe

The purpose of this report is to provide a comparative perspective of China’s ‘One Belt, One Road... more The purpose of this report is to provide a comparative perspective of China’s ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative (OBOR), as seen from the various European Union (EU) member states. The Chinese leadership officially launched this framework in autumn 2013, presenting it immediately as a key national concept and foreign policy priority for the years to come. Yet OBOR is not a formal policy or a well-defined strategy, but rather a very broad conceptual framework for policies that aim at contributing to greater economic integration within Asia, between Asia and Europe, and between Asia and Africa through a diversity of activities and projects. At the heart of OBOR is a strategic approach to infrastructure development in a very broad sense. Accordingly, China’s first action plan on OBOR1 identified transport, energy and telecommunication infrastructure as priorities (although this list is not exhaustive).

A kínai civilizáció

Civilizációk Kelettől Nyugatig , 2018

Kína, azaz a „Középső Birodalom” a világ egyik legősibb, folyamatosan fennálló civilizációja, a ... more Kína, azaz a „Középső Birodalom” a világ egyik legősibb, folyamatosan
fennálló civilizációja, a kelet-ázsiai régió kulturális központja és meghatározó nagyhatalma az elmúlt legalább négyezer év folyamán. Bár a történelmi Kína területén számos népcsoport, nyelvjárás és szokás keveredett, a han kínaiakhoz kötődő kultúra alapvető szerepet játszott és játszik napjainkig az egész térség életében. Ebből is fakad, hogy a Kínai Birodalom és a ma létező Kínai Népköztársaság lakói elsősorban nem nemzetállamként, hanem civilizációként tekintenek saját országukra, és az azt körülvevő befolyási övezetre, azaz a sinoszférára E civilizáció regionális egyeduralma könnyen megérthető, ha figyelembe vesszük a térség földrajzi és történelmi adottságait, amelyek Kína a világ más nagy kultúráitól való jórészt izolált fejlődéséhez, és ezáltal egy minden tekintetben egyedi, a nyugati világtól jelentősen eltérő karakterű önálló univerzum kialakulásához vezettek. A kínai civilizáció térben és időben olyan Civilizációk Kelettől Nyugatig hatalmas kiterjedésű és olyan mélységű, hogy arról a rendelkezésre álló keretek között nem lehetséges teljes képet adni, így a nemzetközi tanulmányok szak szempontjait szem előtt tartva szemezgetünk egyes elemeiből. Az alábbi fejezet Kína prehistorikus időszakától kezdve a dinasztikus ciklusokon keresztül a császárság bukásáig tekinti át az ország történetének azon fejezeteit, amelyek a legmeghatározóbbak Kína világszemlélete és külpolitikai magatartása megértése szempontjából.