Dissertation by Asher Lubotzky
Peer Reviewed Publications by Asher Lubotzky
The Journal of the Middle East and Africa , 2024
In contrast to the strained relationship between Israel and South Africa’s anti-apartheid movemen... more In contrast to the strained relationship between Israel and South Africa’s anti-apartheid movements in recent decades, the 1960s witnessed Israel actively championing an anti-apartheid stance. From the early 1960s onwards, various anti-apartheid groups sought assistance from Israel in their fight against white supremacy, viewing the Jewish State as a natural ally in their struggle against racism. This led to the formation of a relationship between Israel and the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), a significant development often overlooked in contemporary historical narratives. Despite its brevity – spanning less than a decade – this alliance offers valuable insights into African nationalism and its interaction with global Cold War dynamics, while also shedding light on Israel’s multifaceted engagement in Africa. This article aims to reconstruct this historical relationship in detail, emphasizing its significance in elucidating the intricate connections between the Arab-Israeli conflict and the racial conflict in South Africa during the 1960s.
Jewish Historical Studies, 2024
This article highlights the profound and enduring influence of Zionist-socialist youth movements ... more This article highlights the profound and enduring influence of Zionist-socialist youth movements on Jewish South Africans coming of age during apartheid. Membership in these youth movements introduced Jewish South African youth to a form of leftist radicalism, but at the same time, it worked to direct this radicalism to non-domestic concerns. Nevertheless, members of these youth movements internalized this blend of radicalism and escapism in diverse ways. As this article illustrates, some came to view the Zionist-socialist imperative as a distinctive radical trajectory that held implications for South Africa’s domestic realities as well. This study situates Zionist-socialist youth movements in relation to the various traditions of South African radicalism. It suggests that opposition to apartheid might have taken different forms within Zionist frameworks without necessarily resulting in a rupture between Zionism and radicalism.
לבטים פוסטקולוניאליים: עיונים בתולדות יחסי ישראל ומדינות אפריקה, 2023
Part of this edited volume:
https://www.pardes.co.il/?id=showbook&catnum=978-965-541-194-2
Neocolonialism, Investment, and the New Scramble, 2022
To cite:
Lubotzky, Asher. “‘We Are Returning to Africa, and Africa Is Coming Back to Us’: Israel... more To cite:
Lubotzky, Asher. “‘We Are Returning to Africa, and Africa Is Coming Back to Us’: Israel’s Evolving Relations With Africa.” In Who Owns Africa?: Neocolonialism, Investment, and the New Scramble, edited by Bekeh Utietiang Ukelina, 129–52. Leuven University Press, 2022. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2q4b03k.9.
South African Historical Journal , 2021
In May 1948, three years after the end of World War II, the National Party rose to power in South... more In May 1948, three years after the end of World War II, the National Party rose to power in South Africa and started to implement its doctrine of apartheid. In response, activists from various sections of the opposition to apartheid regularly invoked anti-fascist and anti-Nazi rhetoric. Their anti-fascist language combined global concepts – heavily borrowed from the struggle against fascism and Nazism in Europe in the 1930s and 1940s – with the colonial and racialist realities in South Africa. By doing so, activists contested the alleged uniqueness of the conditions in South Africa – conditions that justified, according to Afrikaner Nationalists, the need for apartheid policies. Our study aspires to explore postwar anti-fascism in the anti-apartheid discourse of radical South Africans in the early years of apartheid. We argue that by using specific anti-fascist tropes in their political discourse, South African radicals appropriated this language within the specific South African context, giving it new – sometimes contradicting – meanings that served their local interests of opposing nationalist authoritarianism, apartheid and white supremacy.
The Journal of the Middle East and Africa, 2021
During the 1960s, several hundreds of African students attended long-term academic or vocational ... more During the 1960s, several hundreds of African students attended long-term academic or vocational programs in Israel. For Israel, offering higher education to Africans was considered a way to strengthen its influence in decolonizing Africa, while for African states, it was a means to gain vital technical expertise and reduce reliance on ex-colonial powers or the Cold War superpowers. African international students, however, were not merely pawns in this larger international political game. Responding to everyday racism and influenced by radical and Pan-Africanist ideas of the turbulent sixties, these students became active participants and commentators within Israeli society. They employed diverse strategies to promote anti-racist and anti-colonial causes, engaging in political activism at levels that were uncommon in the Israeli student social scene. By doing so, African students in Israel contested local prejudices about Africa and Africans and taught the hosting society important lessons on political awareness, broad-mindedness, acceptance, and racial tolerance. This history tells of understudied aspects of the global Black-Jewish relations in the 1960s. It also provides a novel perspective on Israeli society – one that surpasses the well-discussed Jewish-Arab or Ashkenazi-Mizrahi divisions – and contributes to the scholarly understanding of the meanings and manifestations of Blackness in Israel.
Israel Studies 26, no. 2, 2021
The article examines the early interactions between Israel and the Sahelian states of Mali and Ch... more The article examines the early interactions between Israel and the Sahelian states of Mali and Chad. Initially, the Sahelian states viewed Israel as a unique model of development and socialism, while Israel hoped to find a moderate and accepting version of Islam. Israeli perceptions of the benign yet malleable nature of African Islam prompted efforts to protect it from negative ‘Arab’ influences. Nevertheless, these early assumptions quickly faded. Many Sahelians became disillusioned with Israel and sought more reliable allies, while Israel increasingly reverted to forging alliances with non-Muslim minorities and pro-Western forces in the region. Investigating early Israeli-Sahelian relations highlights the complexity of the global discourse about African Islam, illustrates the role of perceptions and expectations in shaping international relations, and adds an important layer to the analysis of African-Israeli contact in the era of decolonization.
Journal of Namibian Studies, 2018
German settlers colonizing South West Africa developed specific attitudes towards violence as a r... more German settlers colonizing South West Africa developed specific attitudes towards violence as a result of experiencing the Herero and Nama War (1904–1907). Through analyzing settler discourse at that time period, this article suggests that the war significantly contributed to the development of a distinct settler identity that was gradually growing apart from the German metropole. Settlers increasingly sought
transnational examples of racial regimes for South West Africa, noting that their local conflict was part of a global racial struggle. Policies pursued in other, non-German settler societies became more attractive in light of the destructive German military policy and the disparities between settlers and metropole during the war. The war's goal, in the settler view, was to establish a stable oppressive and coercive structure
which supported the permanent exploitation of Africans for economic, social and political gain. Therefore, they rejected both the eliminatory violence and the ‘humanitarian’ policies promoted by non-settler actors. To this end, settlers demanded the privilege of using domestic and labor-related violence independently, but also condemned violent behavior of European new-comers.
Commentary and Public History by Asher Lubotzky
Institute for Israel-Africa Relations, 2024
ההיחלשות במעמדן של ארה"ב וצרפת בחלקים רחבים של אפריקה ועליית השפעתה של רוסיה, במיוחד באזור הסאהל ... more ההיחלשות במעמדן של ארה"ב וצרפת בחלקים רחבים של אפריקה ועליית השפעתה של רוסיה, במיוחד באזור הסאהל ומרכז אפריקה, מהווה שינוי דרמטי ביחסי הכוחות בין המעצמות באפריקה, מתווספת לחוזקתה הכלכלית המתעצמת של סין ביבשת, ומציבה אתגר נוסף לדומיננטיות האמריקאית בעיצוב הסדר הבינלאומי. עליית קרנה של רוסיה באפריקה מגיעה דווקא על רקע הצורך האפריקאי הגובר בסיוע ביטחוני נגד איומי הג'אהד העולמי הגוברים ביבשת ואכזבה מהאפקטיביות של הסיוע המערבי בהקשר זה.
מבחינת ישראל, העובדה כי מדינות רבות באפריקה פונות לרוסיה בשל אתגרים ביטחוניים הנובעים מהתחזקות הג'אהד העולמי ביבשת וכי ישראל עצמה מסוגלת גם כן להעניק סיוע בתחום זה, מהווה דווקא הזדמנות להפגין ערכיות בעיני ארה"ב ובמקביל לחזק את מעמדה של ישראל ביבשת.
https://tinyurl.com/yc39cjjk
Jeune Afrique, 2023
Le soutien indéfectible de Pretoria à la cause palestinienne fragilise ses relations avec Israël ... more Le soutien indéfectible de Pretoria à la cause palestinienne fragilise ses relations avec Israël à chaque résurgence du conflit au Proche-Orient.
The Conversation, 2023
Hamas’ brazen and deadly attack on Israel on October 7 elicited varied responses within the South... more Hamas’ brazen and deadly attack on Israel on October 7 elicited varied responses within the South African political scene. These diverse reactions reflect the long history, since before democracy in 1994, of South African engagement with the Israel-Palestinian conflict. The conflict holds symbolic significance for many in the country.
The Conversation, 2022
Gan Siyabonga (We Thank You Garden) commemorates several dozen Jewish South African anti-aparthei... more Gan Siyabonga (We Thank You Garden) commemorates several dozen Jewish South African anti-apartheid activists who had personal connections to Israel. The main sponsors of Gan Siyabonga are the Jewish National Fund South Africa and South African Zionist Federation. The park's creation is a milestone in the South African Jewish community's decades-long introspection into its complex relations with the apartheid regime. This memorial site is unique in Israel, where an estimated 20,000 South Africans live. Gan Siyabonga is the first site in Israel to highlight the involvement of Jews in the anti-apartheid struggle. It is also unique because it calls attention to a group that was both anti-apartheid and pro-Zionist, or at least not anti-Zionist. The combination is considered unconventional today. That's because Zionism, the political ideology that favours a Jewish state, is largely associated in South Africa with collaboration with apartheid and the oppression of Palestinians. Gan Siyabonga is a reminder that relations between Zionism and apartheid, and between Israel and South Africa, were complex and multilayered. In the last few years I have been working on a PhD dissertation that explores this complexity. Digging into archives and historical periodicals revealed a fascinating story that defies some assumptions.
Link: https://theconversation.com/south-africa-and-israel-new-memorial-park-in-the-jewish-state-highlights-complex-history-199997
![Research paper thumbnail of “Eritrea: Israel’s Blindspot in the Red Sea?,” The Arena Magazine issue 9, The Abba Eban Institute for International Diplomacy, The Interdisciplinary Center (IDC), (June, 2021). Co-authored with Habtom Mehari. [Hebrew]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/67862273/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Arena, 2021
The Arena"-Diplomacy and Foreign Relations Magazine, published by the Abba Eban Institute for Int... more The Arena"-Diplomacy and Foreign Relations Magazine, published by the Abba Eban Institute for International Diplomacy at the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya, is a leading platform for academic and public discussions on international relations, foreign policy and innovative diplomacy. "The Arena" is published in Hebrew as a quarterly magazine which offers in-depth articles and analysis, alongside op-eds and commentary on current affairs, by leading experts. Selected articles are also published on its English website. The views and opinions expressed in the articles published in "The Arena" magazine are the authors' alone. They do not reflect agreement or endorsement by the "The Arena," its staff, the Abba Eban Institute for International Diplomacy, or the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya. "The Arena" magazine makes use of photos in the public domain and those published under Creative Commons licenses. We make every effort to comply with these licenses' terms and conditions, and to provide credit as required. If you have found an error, please contact us and we will make sure to correct it.
הזירה, 2021
https://www.arenajournal.org.il/single-post/lubotzky-next-african-state-tie-to-israel
![Research paper thumbnail of Asher Lubotzky and Ofir Winter, "Egypt and Ethiopia on a Collision Course: And Where Lies Israel?" [English version]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/64458285/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Strategic Assessment (INSS), 2020
The tension between Cairo and Addis Ababa reached a boiling point in July 2020, when Ethiopia beg... more The tension between Cairo and Addis Ababa reached a boiling point in July 2020, when Ethiopia began lling the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam reservoir. This followed years of fruitless talks aimed at formulating understandings and months of accelerated discussions, including negotiations mediated by the United States and the African Union, which have thus far come to naught. For both sides this is a strategic, "existential" issue with practical and symbolic repercussions, which renders a compromise dif cult. Israel has an interest in the sides reaching a diplomatic agreement, as it would increase stability in the region, advance constructive solutions to the water and energy crises of both countries, and prevent a regional arms race. However, involvement in this con ict at such a sensitive time could do Israel more harm than good; it is therefore best for it to remain neutral. Nevertheless, if understandings are reached between Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan, Israel will be able to take part in the development of a Nile Basin regional framework.
Strategic Assessment (INSS), 2020
The tension between Cairo and Addis Ababa reached a boiling point in July 2020, when Ethiopia beg... more The tension between Cairo and Addis Ababa reached a boiling point in July 2020, when Ethiopia began filling the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam reservoir. This followed years of fruitless talks aimed at formulating understandings and months of accelerated discussions, including negotiations mediated by the United States and the African Union, which have thus far come to naught. For both sides this is a strategic, “existential” issue with practical and symbolic repercussions, which renders a compromise difficult. Israel has an interest in the sides reaching a diplomatic agreement, as it would increase stability in the region, advance constructive solutions to the water and energy crises of both countries, and prevent a regional arms race. However, involvement in this conflict at such a sensitive time could do Israel more harm than good; it is therefore best for it to remain neutral. Nevertheless, if understandings are reached between Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan, Israel will be able to take part in the development of a Nile Basin regional framework.
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Dissertation by Asher Lubotzky
The complete file is available at:
https://www.proquest.com/pqdtglobal/docview/2864590742/fulltextPDF/4EA5A536C43C4EE1PQ/1?accountid=11620
Peer Reviewed Publications by Asher Lubotzky
Lubotzky, Asher. “‘We Are Returning to Africa, and Africa Is Coming Back to Us’: Israel’s Evolving Relations With Africa.” In Who Owns Africa?: Neocolonialism, Investment, and the New Scramble, edited by Bekeh Utietiang Ukelina, 129–52. Leuven University Press, 2022. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2q4b03k.9.
transnational examples of racial regimes for South West Africa, noting that their local conflict was part of a global racial struggle. Policies pursued in other, non-German settler societies became more attractive in light of the destructive German military policy and the disparities between settlers and metropole during the war. The war's goal, in the settler view, was to establish a stable oppressive and coercive structure
which supported the permanent exploitation of Africans for economic, social and political gain. Therefore, they rejected both the eliminatory violence and the ‘humanitarian’ policies promoted by non-settler actors. To this end, settlers demanded the privilege of using domestic and labor-related violence independently, but also condemned violent behavior of European new-comers.
Commentary and Public History by Asher Lubotzky
Link:
https://qiraatafrican.com/15930/%D8%AA%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%B9%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%B7%D9%88%D9%81%D8%A7%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D9%82%D8%B5%D9%89-%D9%83%D9%8A%D9%81-%D8%B3%D8%AA%D8%AA%D8%A3%D8%AB%D8%B1-%D8%B5%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%A9-%D8%A5/
מבחינת ישראל, העובדה כי מדינות רבות באפריקה פונות לרוסיה בשל אתגרים ביטחוניים הנובעים מהתחזקות הג'אהד העולמי ביבשת וכי ישראל עצמה מסוגלת גם כן להעניק סיוע בתחום זה, מהווה דווקא הזדמנות להפגין ערכיות בעיני ארה"ב ובמקביל לחזק את מעמדה של ישראל ביבשת.
https://tinyurl.com/yc39cjjk
Link to the article:
https://republic.com.ng/october-november-2023/africas-divided-response-to-the-israel-hamas-war/
Link: https://theconversation.com/south-africa-and-israel-new-memorial-park-in-the-jewish-state-highlights-complex-history-199997
The complete file is available at:
https://www.proquest.com/pqdtglobal/docview/2864590742/fulltextPDF/4EA5A536C43C4EE1PQ/1?accountid=11620
Lubotzky, Asher. “‘We Are Returning to Africa, and Africa Is Coming Back to Us’: Israel’s Evolving Relations With Africa.” In Who Owns Africa?: Neocolonialism, Investment, and the New Scramble, edited by Bekeh Utietiang Ukelina, 129–52. Leuven University Press, 2022. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2q4b03k.9.
transnational examples of racial regimes for South West Africa, noting that their local conflict was part of a global racial struggle. Policies pursued in other, non-German settler societies became more attractive in light of the destructive German military policy and the disparities between settlers and metropole during the war. The war's goal, in the settler view, was to establish a stable oppressive and coercive structure
which supported the permanent exploitation of Africans for economic, social and political gain. Therefore, they rejected both the eliminatory violence and the ‘humanitarian’ policies promoted by non-settler actors. To this end, settlers demanded the privilege of using domestic and labor-related violence independently, but also condemned violent behavior of European new-comers.
Link:
https://qiraatafrican.com/15930/%D8%AA%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%B9%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%B7%D9%88%D9%81%D8%A7%D9%86-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D9%82%D8%B5%D9%89-%D9%83%D9%8A%D9%81-%D8%B3%D8%AA%D8%AA%D8%A3%D8%AB%D8%B1-%D8%B5%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%A9-%D8%A5/
מבחינת ישראל, העובדה כי מדינות רבות באפריקה פונות לרוסיה בשל אתגרים ביטחוניים הנובעים מהתחזקות הג'אהד העולמי ביבשת וכי ישראל עצמה מסוגלת גם כן להעניק סיוע בתחום זה, מהווה דווקא הזדמנות להפגין ערכיות בעיני ארה"ב ובמקביל לחזק את מעמדה של ישראל ביבשת.
https://tinyurl.com/yc39cjjk
Link to the article:
https://republic.com.ng/october-november-2023/africas-divided-response-to-the-israel-hamas-war/
Link: https://theconversation.com/south-africa-and-israel-new-memorial-park-in-the-jewish-state-highlights-complex-history-199997
https://iehs.org/lubotzky-african-voices/
Since the 1990s there has been a virtual academic consensus that a genocide was perpetuated by Germany during the Herero and Nama War. But the question of responsibility and continuity are still being debated.
In the last two decades, the Herero and the Nama have sought justice, recognition and reparations from the German government for the genocide they endured at the beginning of the 20th century. Recently, they have taken their struggle to an American court, which started hearing their case a few weeks ago. The German government officially referred to the 1904-1907 events as a “genocide” only recently (in 2016) and still refrains from dealing with who was responsibility and rejects calls for reparation. Instead, Germany has attempted reconciliation through other channels, such as providing aid to the Namibian government and returning victim remains that were stored in Germany after the genocide.
The historiography of German colonialism and Namibian history has witnessed fierce debate regarding the events that took place in Southwest African between 1904-1907. Still today, some historical questions remain. This short essay will try to identify the main debated issues of this genocide and will highlight the most important ideas of the historians who have researched this subject.
...
https://thesocietypages.org/holocaust-genocide/the-herero-and-the-nama-seek-reparations-what-do-historians-have-to-say-about-the-genocide/?fbclid=IwAR1a2sXeUpAr2hEBw0htfM4mpd5Lc2YV_RePa0qc48vB76xvC8kbqC7yQbk
During these decades, Indiana University transformed itself into a cosmopolitan hub: International student population increased and diversified significantly. This short paper demonstrates how the political and geopolitical situation - at home and globally - shaped international student policy and experiences at Indiana University.
Link:
http://blogs.iu.edu/bicentennialblogs/2018/08/20/diplomacy-diversity-and-dollars-how-the-cold-war-and-the-civil-rights-movement-shaped-international-student-policy-at-indiana-university-1950-1970/