Papers by Vincent Martzloff
The consonant clusters attested in the South Picene language of the Sabellic (Sabellian) subbranc... more The consonant clusters attested in the South Picene language of the Sabellic (Sabellian) subbranch of the Italic group (Indo-European family) are classified into primary and secondary groups. Various linguistic phenomena (among which syncope, anaptyxis, assimilation, dissimilation, sandhi) are described in order to explain the phonological (and morphonological) changes that are completed or in progress.
Die italischen Sprachen. Neue linguistische und philologische Aspekte (ed. Satoko Hisatsugi), 2021
Unter altitalischer Metrik verstehen wir die Prinzipien der rhythmischen Gliederung einiger epigr... more Unter altitalischer Metrik verstehen wir die Prinzipien der rhythmischen Gliederung einiger epigraphischer Denkmäler Mittelitaliens und Venetiens, in denen sich die regelmäßige Wiederkehr eines gleichen Rhythmus beobachten lässt. 1 Der Begriff "altitalisch" bezieht sich auf die Sprachen oder Sprachzustände, in denen die Wortbetonung generell auf der ersten Silbe lag. Den sogenannten Saturnier (Sinnsprüche des Appius Claudius Caecus, Epen von Livius Andronicus und Naevius, Grab-, Votiv-und Ehreninschriften, Kultformeln, Gebete, Zaubersprüche) werden wir hier nicht berücksichtigen, denn er gehört einer Periode an, in der die Wortbetonung der lateinischen Wörter nach dem Pänultimagesetz geregelt wurde. Außerdem ist es noch nicht bewiesen worden, dass der saturnische Vers denselben Prinzipien folgt, wie die altitalische Dichtung. 2 Es sei daran erinnert, dass mehrere, zweifellos bedenkenswerte Hypothesen aufgestellt wurden, um das metrische Schema des saturnischen Verses zu erstellen: Sie haben jedoch bisher keine allgemeine Akzeptanz gefunden. 3 Es empfiehlt sich somit methodologisch, den altrömischen saturnischen Vers und den altitalischen Rhythmus zunächst getrennt zu behandeln, und erst dann (falls es einmal gelingt, die Prinzipien des einen oder des anderen genau zu
EQO DUENOSIO, Studi offerti a Luciano Agostiniani. Alberto Calderini & Riccardo Massarelli (eds.). Ariodante, Università degli Studi di Perugia (p. 663-676), 2022
Amice benigneque honorem nostrum habes. Estudios lingüísticos en homenaje al Profesor Benjamín García-Hernández, 2021
La brève étude qui suit propose de distinguer cinq types morphologiques de formations latines en ... more La brève étude qui suit propose de distinguer cinq types morphologiques de formations latines en -m(i)nus, -m(i)na, en se fondant sur le processus dérivationnel dont elles résultent. Si on laisse de côté les emprunts comme le phytonyme dictamnus, -um (grec δίκταμνον, -ος) et les mots latins comme somnus (où le *-m- est un avatar de la consonne finale de la racine, cf. sopor, sōpīre), ces cinq catégories sont illustrées par les mots (1) alumnus, (2) fēmina, (3) antemna, (4) terminus, (5) Pīlumnus. Seront ensuite examinés quelques mots dont l'analyse est difficile et dont le classement reste incertain (6).
Ὀνομάτων ἵστωρ. Mélanges offerts à Charles de Lamberterie. Louvain: Peeters, p. 101-114, 2020
Strategies of Translation: Language Contact and Poetic Language. Akten des Workshops Köln, 17.–18. Dezember 2010. José Luis García Ramón – Daniel Kölligan – Lena Wolberg (eds.). Roma/Pisa, p. 35–59, 2015
Graeco-Latina Brunensia 23/1, 2018
In spite of numerous publications devoted to the ancient Italic verse, the study of the verbal ar... more In spite of numerous publications devoted to the ancient Italic verse, the study of the verbal art in some Venetic inscriptions has been largely neglected by scholars. This lack of attention paid to poetical features is in part closely tied to the obvious limitations in our understanding of the Venetic language: the rich harvest of new inscriptions contributed only marginally to improving our knowledge of the grammar and lexicon. However, according to a view first expressed by Aldo Luigi Prosdocimi (1972), a metrical structure can be discerned in two archaic texts from Lozzo Atestino and Pernumia / Cartura, dated by their letter-forms and the use of scriptio continua (without syllabic punctuation) to the sixth century BCE. Prosdocimi's proposal is corroborated not only by an internal analysis of the texts, but also by comparative evidence from the Paleo-Sabellian epigraphic records. Both the text from Lozzo Atestino and the South Picene inscription TE 2 (Bellante) consist of three groups of seven syllables (7+7+7). Whereas TE 2 exhibits clear alliterations in Anlaut, there are no repetitions of word initial sounds on the kantharos of Lozzo Atestino. Nevertheless, a Jakobsonian approach reveals (among other poetical properties of the text) that the vowel qualities ('timbres') of the first and third heptasyllables are arranged in a chiastic order, since the timbres [a-(o-o)-e-o-i-o] (alkomno metlon śikos) are mirrored in the last sequence horvionte donasan [o-i-o-e-o-(a-a)] (the correction *horeionte is unnecessary). The Venetic inscription from Pernumia / Cartura consists of three heptasyllabic sequences (each with a dative ending -oi in rhyming position) followed by a trisyllabic extension Vincent Martzloff -Barbora Machajdíková Convergences métriques méconnues entre la poésie vénète et la poésie paléo-sabellique… ČLÁNKY / ARTICLES
Revue des Études Latines, 93, 69-106, 2015
la Plus ancienne comPosition Poétique à rome 69 [p. 69-106] 1. nous exprimons notre gratitude à m... more la Plus ancienne comPosition Poétique à rome 69 [p. 69-106] 1. nous exprimons notre gratitude à madame le Professeur Jacqueline cHamPeaux, à messieurs les Professeurs Guillaume bonneT, Dominique briqueL, Pierre FLoberT et Georges-Jean PinauLT, ainsi qu'à Jean-Paul bracHeT, Frédérique FLeck et barbora macHajdíková.
Graeco-Latina Brunensia 25, 2020
Considerable advances have already been made in elucidating the text of the Latin Duenos inscript... more Considerable advances have already been made in elucidating the text of the Latin Duenos inscription (6th century BCE). Nevertheless, many difficulties remain, and the ongoing discussion has given rise to several misconceptions that ought to be cleared away. First of all, it is not a votive inscription, in spite of what is sometimes asserted. The fact that the Duenos vase may have belonged to a votive deposit does not imply that the vase and its inscription (incised before baking) were intended for religious purposes. The inscription is not of dedicatory nature. It has been suggested that UIRCO represents some kind of divinity (Proserpina, Athena, or Fortūna), but there is no positive evidence for such an interpretation. It needs to be emphasized that the words DEIUOS “gods” and MITAT (also attested in the Tibur Pedestal inscription) do not allow the conclusion that the vase was initially intended to be a votive offering. The presence of DEIUOS (accusative plural) is to be explained by the mention of an oath (IOUESAT “iūrat”). The verb MITAT (“gives” uel sim. rather than “sends”) is better taken as referring to the aristocratic gift-exchange system. As for the function of the vessel, it has been interpreted as a receptacle for cosmetics. Alternatively, this small piece of elegant design may have been purely decorative and not intended for concrete use, like the Poggio Sommavilla fiaschetta (ST Um 2, around 600 BCE). Several linguistic hypotheses have to be rejected. The alleged infinitives OITESIAI (E. Sievers), OITESI (R. Godel), and OISI (E. Tichy) are excluded on morphological grounds. Since the long final /ī/ of amārī continues *ei, the sequence of six letters PACARI cannot be the ancestor of the Latin passive infinitive pācārī. The sequence UOIS cannot be the source of uīs “you want” because the [o] vocalism could not be accounted for. Since the Latin conjunction nisi is a shortened form of nĭsī (which in turn may derive from nīsī < *neisei with a shortening similar to quăsi < quam sī), a comparison between NOISI and nisi is impossible. (It would of course be unjustified to correct the word to **NOISEI.) Moreover, the /o/ grade in the negation would be unexpected. The putative Umbrian parallel nosue (TIg VIb 54) that has been adduced as supporting the vocalism of the first part of NOISI is not probative since nosue may be traced back to *nauswai < *n(e) au swai < *ne ayu(d) swai or *ne (h)ayu(d) swai, cf. the Latin ne-que haud (Plaut. Men. 371, Ter. Andr. 205; haud < *ĝʰ/gʰi/e h₂éy-u-d, cf. Vedic hí or gha) and the Greek οὐ < *oyu < *h₂óy-u(d). Therefore, the interpretation of NOISI as “nisi” has to be abandoned. It is argued that the second line has to be segmented as follows: AST / TED / NOISI / OPET / OITES / IAI / PACA / RIUOIS. The analysis of OITES [oite(n)ss] as a participle ancestor of the Latin ūtēns (R. Thurneysen, R. Meringer, A. Götze) seems unassailable from a phonological point of view; regarding the omission of the nasal, cf. COSMIS < *konsm° < *kom-sm° (not **ko-smi-s) and also Lat. QETIOS [kʷeŋtios] (cf. Quinctius, not Cottius), perhaps PLACIOM (cf. Plancius), Etr. araz (Rome, S. Omobono, 580-540, cf. aranθ, Arruns). As expected, OITES governs the ablative case (RIUOIS). The fossilized adverbial locative IAI may be equated with the first part of the Umbrian iepi < *iyāi-kʷid (containing the same ending as the Oscan svai), hence a complex conditional system NEI..., AST..., IAI... “if... not..., and/but..., then...” (ASTED < ast + tēd similar to ASTU < ast + tū in the protocols of the Arval Brothers). The verb OPET (< *h₁op-éye-ti, cf. optāre) is construed with the ablative (TED... OPET “(if) she wants from you”). Although it may at first seem counter-intuitive, OPET takes a genitive object according to a construction represented in Early Latin with verbs of desiring (studeat tuī, domī cupiō). Since the girl (still a uirgō) has to be satisfied with the discharge of some fluids (RIUOIS, a classic case of a double entendre), it seems fruitful to turn our attention to the possibility that the word NOISI itself refers to a liquid. It is tempting to establish a connection between NOISI and the root of the Vedic nédati “to overflow” (cf. the Khotanese gganīh- “to moisten”), which is well attested in European hydronymy (Nida in Poland, Niedà in Lithuania, La Nied in Lorraine, Nidd in Yorkshire, cf. also the Lusitanian Langa-nida-eigui). Regular sound laws suggest for NOISI the proto-form *noid-to-s > /noissos/ (as tussis < *tud-ti-s, cf. tundō), with a genitive /noissī/ spelled NOISI. The formation *noid-to-s is structurally comparable to *ĝʰor-to-s (Latin hortus, Oscan húrz, Greek χόρτος, Old Irish gort). A *C(C)oC(C)-to-s formation is precisely attested for the semantically related root *pleu- (Greek πλοῦτος: “flood” > “large quantity” > “wealth”). The use of the partitive genitive is further facilitated when such a meaning is assumed for NOISI (cf. impleto aquae purae). The Duenos inscription thus contains a facetious advertisement with erotic overtones in which RIUOIS (separated from its governing participle OITES to create a punchline) is co-referential with NOISI.
Graeco-Latina Brunensia, 22/1, 147-163, 2017
Recent advances in our understanding of the Paelignian inscription ST Pg 9 make it worthwhile to ... more Recent advances in our understanding of the Paelignian inscription ST Pg 9 make it worthwhile to reconsider the metrical structure of the text. We test the validity of the accentual framework. Whereas Sabellian words are normally accented on their first (leftmost) syllables, we contend that the anaptyxis that is displayed in the penultimate syllables by the two words which end in -ácirix implies an internal accent on the syllable preceding the heavy suffix */krīk/. A hitherto unnoticed parallel to this putative accentual movement in the Paelignian derivatives is furnished by the Umbrian nouns kumnahkle, mantrahklu, feřehtru, in which the "heavy" suffixes /klV/ or /trV/ have caused the accent to be shifted forward to the presuffixal vowel, as is demonstrated by the spellings eh, ah denoting vowel length (which was preserved under the accent). It may also be possible to adduce some arguments supporting an accentuation of the type praistákla in South Picene, in which the presuffixal vowel may have attracted the accent. We suggest that the accent was transferred to the presuffixal syllable of the two -cirix-words due to Umbrian and/or South Picene influence on the Paelignian variety reflected in this text. Such a hypothesis should occasion no surprise, as the language of ST Pg 9 clearly shares other phonological features with Umbrian and/or South Picene. Furthermore, if we suppose that these two long polysyllables have received a secondary accent on their first syllables due to the analogy of most nouns (which have initial accents), then the resulting distribution of word accents in the inscription ST Pg 9 allows us to identify the metrical structure of the text and to detect a strophic organisation. Vincent Martzloff -Barbora Machajdíková Structures strophiques dans la poésie épigraphique de l'Italie ancienne
Operae pretium facimus. Mélanges en l’honneur de Charles Guittard. Paris: L’Harmattan , 2021
The page numbers of the printed text are in red.] _____________________ [page 699] Vingt sur ving... more The page numbers of the printed text are in red.] _____________________ [page 699] Vingt sur vingt : un argument méconnu en faveur du caractère métrique des inscriptions paléo-italiques de Crecchio (CH 1a) et de Penna S. Andrea (TE 5) Vincent Martzloff Sorbonne Université
In: Pedro Duarte – Frédérique Fleck – Peggy Lecaudé – Aude Morel (eds.), Histoires de mots. Études de linguistique latine et de linguistique générale offertes en hommage à Michèle Fruyt. Paris: Presses de l’Université Paris-Sorbonne, 85-95, 2017
In: Biville, Frédérique / Boehm, Isabelle (eds): Autour de Michel Lejeune. Actes des Journées d’étude organisées à l’Université Lumière-Lyon 2, 2–3 février 2006. Lyon: Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée – Jean Pouilloux, 359–378., 2009
In: Nemo par eloquentia, Mélanges de linguistique ancienne en hommage à Colette Bodelot. Martin Taillade, Julie Gallego, Fabienne Fatello & Guillaume Gibert (eds.). Clermont-Ferrand: Presses universitaires Blaise Pascal, p. 109-124, 2019
[The origin and morphology of some Latin negative function words: ni, non, noenum, nisi]
The aim ... more [The origin and morphology of some Latin negative function words: ni, non, noenum, nisi]
The aim of the present contribution is to explore the morphological structures of nī (< *nei), nōn / noenum (< *ne oinom or *nei oinom) and nīsī / nisī / nisi (< *neisei, not *nesei). Forms like sĭquidem (< *sei) and quăsi (< quam sī) provide parallels for the shortening of the first vowel in nīsī (< *neisei). The resulting nisī was then subject to iambic shortening. It is argued that the Umbrian conjunction NOSUE ‘nisi’ is the reflex of *ne (h)ayu(d) swai (cf. Latin ne-que haud [Plaut. Men. 371, Ter. Andr. 205] and Oscan SUAE ‘if’). The comparison of the NO- element of NOSUE with Lat. nōn is illusory. Moreover, the alleged conjunction NOISI (Latin duenos inscription), which was interpreted as ‘nisi’ by some scholars, cannot be compared to NOSUE. A word NOISI ‘nisi’ probably does not exist.
In: "Latin Linguistics in the Early 21st Century. Acts of the 16th International Colloquium on Latin Linguistics, Uppsala, June 6th–11th, 2011". Edited by Gerd V. M. HAVERLING. Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, p. 59–72., 2015
Alessandria, 2011
Realizzazione informatica di Arun Maltese (bear.am@savonaonline.it) È vietata la riproduzione, an... more Realizzazione informatica di Arun Maltese (bear.am@savonaonline.it) È vietata la riproduzione, anche parziale, non autorizzata, con qualsiasi mezzo effettuata, compresa la fotocopia, anche a uso interno e didattico. L'illecito sarà penalmente perseguibile a norma dell'art. 171 della Legge n. 633 del 22.04.1941
Wekwos, 3, p. 117-148, 2017
The new Opic (“Pre-Samnite”) inscription of Niumsis Tanunis is fraught with interpretational diff... more The new Opic (“Pre-Samnite”) inscription of Niumsis Tanunis is fraught with interpretational difficulties. This paper aims to reexamine the questions raised by the interpretation of the words <paplam> (anthroponym or vase name?), <dedum> (athematic or thematicized perfect? or infinitive?) and <fufuhud> (third person singular or plural?), for which three etymological hypotheses may be entertained. Is fufuhud to be explained as a reduplicated perfect of the Opic equivalent of Latin fuī, fundere or fingere? The assumption of a link between fufuhud and fundere proves highly questionable. A comparison of fufuhud with fυfυϝοδ, fυfϝοδ (Tortora) and Latin fuī would be conceivable, but the resulting meaning of the text looks awkward. A new connection with the root of Latin fingere (Faliscan fifiked, f[if]iqod, Oscan feíhúss) would lead to a reconstruction *dʰe-dʰoiĝʰ- > *fe-foih-, which would imply an early monophthongization of */oi/ to /ū/ or /ǖ/ (in non-initial syllable) parallel to the development of *soikā- attested in the South Picene denominative verb <persukant>. One would have to assume that the reduplication vowel has been reshaped after the root vocalism.
In: Sprachkontakt und Kulturkontakt im alten Italien: Onomastik und Lexikon (= Linguarum Varietas, 2013, 2). José Luis García Ramón, Daniel Kölligan, Paolo Poccetti & Lena Wolberg (eds.). Roma / Pisa: Fabrizio Serra, 139-156, 2013
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Papers by Vincent Martzloff
The aim of the present contribution is to explore the morphological structures of nī (< *nei), nōn / noenum (< *ne oinom or *nei oinom) and nīsī / nisī / nisi (< *neisei, not *nesei). Forms like sĭquidem (< *sei) and quăsi (< quam sī) provide parallels for the shortening of the first vowel in nīsī (< *neisei). The resulting nisī was then subject to iambic shortening. It is argued that the Umbrian conjunction NOSUE ‘nisi’ is the reflex of *ne (h)ayu(d) swai (cf. Latin ne-que haud [Plaut. Men. 371, Ter. Andr. 205] and Oscan SUAE ‘if’). The comparison of the NO- element of NOSUE with Lat. nōn is illusory. Moreover, the alleged conjunction NOISI (Latin duenos inscription), which was interpreted as ‘nisi’ by some scholars, cannot be compared to NOSUE. A word NOISI ‘nisi’ probably does not exist.
The aim of the present contribution is to explore the morphological structures of nī (< *nei), nōn / noenum (< *ne oinom or *nei oinom) and nīsī / nisī / nisi (< *neisei, not *nesei). Forms like sĭquidem (< *sei) and quăsi (< quam sī) provide parallels for the shortening of the first vowel in nīsī (< *neisei). The resulting nisī was then subject to iambic shortening. It is argued that the Umbrian conjunction NOSUE ‘nisi’ is the reflex of *ne (h)ayu(d) swai (cf. Latin ne-que haud [Plaut. Men. 371, Ter. Andr. 205] and Oscan SUAE ‘if’). The comparison of the NO- element of NOSUE with Lat. nōn is illusory. Moreover, the alleged conjunction NOISI (Latin duenos inscription), which was interpreted as ‘nisi’ by some scholars, cannot be compared to NOSUE. A word NOISI ‘nisi’ probably does not exist.