Süleyman Tekir
Doç. Dr.
Ph.D
Address: Sinop Üniversitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü Kat:1
Ph.D
Address: Sinop Üniversitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü Kat:1
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Duzce University / Düzce Üniversitesi
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Books by Süleyman Tekir
In 1889 at the Ottoman Empire's only medical school, a handful of students who do not accept the country's system of governance The name of the movement that was founded by the Unionist Party and achieved its goal 19 years later is Unionism. From 1905 onwards, it transformed into a more when the movement became convinced that it could not achieve success through the evolutionary method. adopted a revolutionary method. Based on these statements Unionism can be divided into two categories: before and after 1905. The first period is mostly characterized by the intellectual struggle the second period covers the time period in which The period is characterized by a period of execution and revolution. The main aim of the Committee of Union and Progress, which had secret and political aims To have Abdülhamid II reinstate the Kanun-i Esasi and to establish Constitutional rule in the Ottoman Empire. 1908 When referring to Unionism prior to the Unionist period, the first things that come to mind are secret rituals like meetings, mysterious symbols and vows. All these are the reasons why modern readers of history are curious about Unionism. is among the reasons that cause it.
First President of the Ottoman Special Organization
Author : Süleyman Tekir, Assoc. Prof. Dr.
Year of Publication : 2022
Publisher : Kronik Kitap, Istanbul
Format : 352 pages, 13.5 x 21 cm
ISBN : 978-625-84-3187-2
Language : Turkish
Süleyman Askerî Bey is an important figure in recent Turkish military and political history. What has been written about him so far has led to the emergence of a portrait that is disconnected from reality. This work presents a biography of Süleyman Askerî Bey and addresses the historical events of which he was the subject. In this respect, it is a monographic work rather than a mere biography. It adopts an approach that puts Süleyman Askerî Bey at the centre of the storyline and establishes connections with the developments around him.
The work consists of five chapters in which the events of the last eight years of Süleyman Askerî Bey's 31-year life are discussed in chronological order. The first chapter focuses on his activities within the Committee of Union and Progress, the second chapter on the Turco-Italian War, the third chapter on the Balkan War and his becoming the President of the Committee, the fourth chapter on his presidency of the Special Organization, and the fifth chapter on his activities on the Iraq Front.
While the literature contains numerous claims of kinship on Süleyman Askerî Bey, an oral history study conducted with his family revealed that almost none of these were true. The turning point in Süleyman Askerî Bey's life was his joining the ranks of the Committee of Union and Progress in 1907. Shortly afterwards, he took part in the Fedai Branch of the Committee and organized the assassination of Şemsi Pasha, which brought the 33-year one-man rule of Abdülhamid II to an end, upon which the Sultan was forced to reinstate the Constitutional Monarchy. He made a three-month journey, most of which was spent in the desert, to participate in the Turco-Italian War, which broke out while he was stationed in Baghdad for the reform of the gendarmerie. In this study, his diaries, in which he recorded his journey and his experiences at the front, were brought to light for the first time, bringing a new perspective to the War. Serving in very critical positions in Tripoli, he became one of the most important theorists of the school of irregular warfare, which would take part in the Turkish military literature. After seizing the regions of Komotini and Alexandroupolis, which the Ottoman government could not intervene in so as not to cause an international crisis following the Balkan War, with his irregular warfare units, he established the Independent Government of Western Thrace, which was the first Turkish Republic in the literature, and became its first head of state. He led the negotiations for an alliance between the Ottoman and Bulgarian governments before the First World War and played a key role in securing the alliance. After the end of the Government of Western Thrace, he founded the irregular warfare unit named Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa (Special Organization) in order to prevent the loss of the experience and learnings gained in irregular warfare, and became its first president. Today, this organization is regarded as the predecessor of the Turkish National Intelligence Organization. Soon, the special organization was organized in the Caucasus, Iran, Afghanistan, Egypt, Syria-Palestine, and the Balkans. Its activities included sabotage, intelligence, propaganda, guerrilla warfare, and numerous special warfare activities. At the end of 1914, Süleyman Askerî Bey was appointed as the Commander of the Iraq Front. Although he gathered a large army against the British in a short time, he was wounded in both legs in the Battle of Rota. Despite this, he refused to leave the front. On 14 April 1915, during the Battle of Shaiba, which he led on a stretcher, he committed suicide with the thought that he would lose the battle.
Elinizdeki çalışma, ekonomik ve askerî gücünüz olmadan savaşamayacağınızı, Sarıkamış Harekâtı’nda şehit sayısının 90 bin olmadığını, Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa’nın bir istihbarat örgütünden ziyade gayrinizami harp örgütü olduğunu, Kafkas Cephesi’nin kaybedilen cepheler statüsünde gösterilmesine rağmen şayet açılmamış olsaydı Rusların kolaylıkla İstanbul’u işgal edebileceğini belgelere dayanarak ortaya koymaktadır.
Sarıkamış Harekâtında sancak esir düşmesin diye sancaksız şehit düşenlerin mücadelesi, Kafkasya’yı fethetmek isteyen Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa görevlilerinin operasyonları, Erzurum, Erzincan, Artvin, Rize ve Trabzon’da yaşanan mücadelelerin tamamı, salgın hastalıklar dolayısıyla yaşanan kayıplar ve savaşın en trajik sonuçlarının başında gelen göçler; Türk ve Rus kaynakları taranarak renkli krokiler eşliğinde ilk kez bu kitapta ortaya seriliyor.
Dr. Süleyman Tekir, Beyaz Harp kitabıyla askerî tarihimizdeki Birinci Dünya Savaşı’na dair büyük bir boşluğu dolduruyor, Türk ve Rus kaynaklarını karşılaştırarak cepheye yeni bir bakış açısı kazandırıyor.
The main duty of the gendarmerie is to prevent crime and criminals. Contrary to what is known or accepted, while performing its law enforcement duties, the gendarmerie does not only pursue wrongdoers. One of its main duties is to prevent crimes before they are committed. The gendarmerie and the police are the executors of this duty, which is called preventive law enforcement services in modern literature. The gendarmerie has been established in order to ensure the order and security of regions located outside city centres. In the Ottoman Empire, intensive efforts were made to establish a modern gendarmerie beginning from the 19th century. One of the duties of the Ottoman gendarmerie, which was established by taking European examples into consideration, for maintaining order was to gather intelligence. The aim of this study is to discuss in a general framework the intelligence activities of the Ottoman gendarmerie from its inception to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey.
Intelligence, that is, the prevention of crimes or criminals by collecting precursor information, has a history as old as crime. The present study considers the type of intelligence performed by the gendarmerie as criminal intelligence. The criminal intelligence performed by the Ottoman gendarmerie can be defined as the prevention of crimes by evaluating the intelligence obtained. Undoubtedly, this definition can be made in hundreds of different ways. The study deals with the intelligence activities carried out by the gendarmerie based on this rough definition and drawing upon Ottoman archive documents. The Ottoman bureaucratic system did not formally assign the gendarmerie the task of intelligence gathering, processing and evaluation. However, the lack of an official intelligence task definition does not necessarily mean that the Ottoman gendarmerie did not engage in intelligence activities.
Studying intelligence, particularly criminal intelligence, involves certain difficulties. Incorrect categorisation of events in the historical process has caused the literature to be written completely wrong. Therefore, it is difficult to separate irregular warfare and intelligence organisations’ activities in Ottoman history. This study focused solely on the intelligence activities of the gendarmerie.
In the Ottoman Empire, the emergence of an institutional gendarmerie coincides more or less with the activation of the groups that attempted to revolt for independence based on the nationalism movement in various regions of the country. The increase in activities such as robbery, kidnapping and murder by bandits and gangs was also concurrent. The disruption of order in the Ottoman geography due to the Balkan and First World Wars increased the importance of gathering criminal intelligence.
The life-cycle of information is very short in the intelligence activities conducted for the prevention of crimes and criminals. Rapid change of location of criminals or criminal groups can cause certain information to lose its value in a short time. It is seen that the intelligence wheel of the gendarmerie moved in the following order; information acquisition, evaluation and intervention. This three-stage wheel, which is difficult to show definitively because such a definition has never been made technically, cannot be said to be sufficient to describe the process.
The current study focuses on how the gendarmerie gathered intelligence during the complex process mentioned above. The realisation of criminal intelligence was made possible by human intelligence. Human intelligence can basically be performed by carrying out espionage and snitching that are as old as human history. However, in order for this to happen, certain conditions must mature. The process of gathering and compiling information is very complex and sophisticated. It usually starts with the raw information received pertaining to a crime that has been committed or is likely to be committed, and includes the whole process until this information is evaluated and concluded. Accordingly, this study focuses primarily on who will collect intelligence.
Based on the fact that the gendarmerie operates in the countryside, a gendarmerie station and the station’s commander are obliged to carry out intelligence activities in their area of accountability. From whom and how the intelligence will be collected is directly related to the mutual relationships of the station commander with people living in his or her area of accountability. Here, human intelligence comes into play. The flow of information about the crimes and criminals in the area of responsibility can be assured through good relations with people. It would be wrong to expect this to be achieved solely through mutual relations. Intelligence is often obtained in exchange for money. The present study determined that there was no budget allocated to the gendarmerie in the Ottoman Empire. However, archival documents show that some financial rewards were given to those who brought intelligence during the pursuit of very large gangs and bandits.
The gendarmerie is one of the most important institutions responsible for the security and order of a country. In fact, it is the most important one, considering the scope of authority. In this respect, the intelligence obtained or expected to be obtained by the gendarmerie is expected to be internal intelligence. While it can be thought that the definition of internal intelligence has been reshaped with the terrorist groups and their focuses that have gained an asymmetrical dimension in the modern period, this was not the case in the past.
It is possible to divide the informants used by the gendarmerie into two as loyal and false ones. While all the information provided by loyal informants proved true without exception, false informants were used to mislead the gendarmerie and spread false information to the benefit of some groups. This situation is the most important indicator that the human intelligence must be filtered.
It was always difficult for the gendarmerie to combat the criminal elements that are defined as social bandits, who gained legitimacy in the eyes of the people by stealing from the rich and distributing them to the poor. At the root of the difficulty in dealing with such groups was the fact that the public protected them and no one could be found to serve as informants. On the other hand, informants could be punished by bandits or ostracised by the public. For such situations, the central government had to make some legal regulations to protect and reward informants.
The study also focused on offering a better understanding of the act of intelligence, which was tried to be marked off through analyses of relevant case studies.
Keywords: Ottoman Empire, Intelligence, Espionage, Crime Intelligence
Jandarmanın temel görevi suçu ve suçluyu önlemektir. Bilinen veyahut kabul edilenin aksine jandarma kolluk görevini yerine getirirken yalnızca suç faillerinin takibini yapmaz. Temel görevlerinden birisi suçun işlenmeden önlenmesidir. Modern literatürde önleyici kolluk hizmetleri olarak adlandırılan bu görevin uygulayıcısı jandarma ve polistir. Jandarma şehir merkezlerinin dışında kalan bölgelerin asayiş ve emniyetini sağlamak maksadıyla kurulmuştur. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda 19. Yüzyıldan itibaren modern bir jandarma teşkilatının kurulabilmesi için yoğun çaba sarf edilmiştir. Avrupalı örnekleri dikkate alınarak kurulan jandarmanın asayişi sağlayabilmesi için yerine getirmesi gereken görevlerinden birisi de istihbarat toplamaktır. Bu çalışma jandarma teşkilatının kurulmasından Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’ne kadar geçen sürede yaptığı istihbarat faaliyetinin genel çerçevede ele almayı hedeflemektedir.
İstihbarat yani önceden haber alınarak suçun veya suçlunun önlenmesi en az suç kadar eski tarihe sahiptir. Bu çalışmada jandarmanın gerçekleştirdiği istihbarat tipi; suç istihbaratı olarak kabul edilmiştir. Osmanlı jandarmasının gerçekleştirdiği suç istihbaratı şu şekilde tanımlanabilir; suç veya suçlunun fiili işlemeden elde edilen istihbaratın kıymetlendirilerek suçun engellenmesi. Şüphesiz bu tanım yüzlerce farklı şekilde yapılabilir. Bu çalışmada kabaca yapılan bu tanım üzerinden ve Osmanlı arşiv belgeleri kullanılarak, jandarmanın gerçekleştirdiği istihbarat faaliyetlerini ele alır. Çünkü Osmanlı bürokratik sistemi resmiyette jandarmaya istihbarat toplama, işleme ve kıymetlendirme gibi bir görev tanımı yapmamıştır. Resmî olarak istihbarat görev tanımının yapılmamış olması ise Osmanlı jandarmasının istihbarat faaliyetlerinde bulunmadığı anlamına gelmez.
Tekir, birinci bölümde klasik dönemden itibaren modern jandarmaya giden süreci gözden geçirmektedir. Zaptiye Müşîriyeti ve jandarmanın kuruluşuna kadar geçen sancılı süreci bu bölümde ele almıştır. İkinci bölümü ise kendi içerisinde üç ayrı kısma ayırıyor: Birinci Dünya Savaşı, Mondros Mütarekesi ve Millî Mücadele Dönemi. İlk olarak Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda cepheye sürülen jandarmaların kısa sürede cephelerde erimesini irdeliyor. Mütareke ahkâmına göre ülkenin tek silahlı unsuru haline gelen jandarmanın Millî Mücadele yıllarındaki teşkilatı ve faaliyetleri ise bölümün son kısmını teşkil ediyor. Yazar, kitabın üçüncü ve son bölümünde Atatürk devrinde uzun savaş yıllarında yıpranan jandarmanın yeniden teşkilatlandırılmasını, Cumhuriyet jandarmasının kuruluş sürecini ele alıyor.
Arşiv belgeleri ve kaynak eserlerin ışığında devlet ve toplum arasında aracı bir teşkilat olan modern jandarmanın kuruluş hikâyesinin kronolojik olarak anlatıldığı bu çalışma Türk Askerî Tarihi alanında çok önemli bir boşluğu dolduruyor.
Dünyada kılıca ve onun tarihine olan bu ilginin aksine Türkiye’de, bu konu hakkında yapılan çalışmalar oldukça yetersizdir. Tarihi kaynak ve arşivlerimizde kılıçla ilgili bilgilerin yetersizliği bunu belirli oranda açıklayabilirse de kılıcı kullanmadaki mahareti yabancılar tarafından da sıklıkla dile getirilen Türklerin, bu silahın tarihine olan ilgisizliği dikkat çekicidir. Son yıllarda yoğunlaşan askeri tarih araştırmaları bu ilgiyi görece arttırmakla birlikte, çalışmalar halen yetersizdir. Bize, kılıç üzerine bir kitap yazma fikrini ve cesaretini veren de kılıç veya silahlar üzerine uzmanlığımız değil; bu silahın tarihinin Türkiye’de hak ettiği oranda incelenmemiş olmasıdır.
Yabancı dillerdeki literatür incelendiğinde, kılıç üzerine yoğunlaşan çalışmaların temelde nerede ve nasıl yapıldığı/imal edildiği sorularına arkeolojik kazı desteğiyle uzun zamandır cevap arandığı görülmektedir. Bunun yanında altı yüzyıl boyunca hüküm süren Osmanlı Devleti’nin kılıçla olan geçmişiyle ilgili yok denecek seviyede bilgi ve kaynağa sahibiz. Kılıçların üzerindeki işaret ve sembollerin bize anlatmak istediklerinin birçoğu ise hala büyük bir sır.
Bu kitabın amacı da kılıç gibi tarihi şekillendiren bir silahın hak ettiği değeri görmesi için mevcut literatüre bir nebze de olsa katkı sağlamaktır. Oldukça farklı çeşitleri bulunan, savaş meydanlarındaki kullanımı yanında çeşitli sembolik anlamları olan bir silah hakkında sınırlamaya gitme zarureti nedeniyle, konu seçiminde Türk ve Osmanlı kılıçları ile Osmanlı Devleti’nin hüküm sürdüğü ve komşu coğrafyalardaki kılıçlar ön plana çıkarılmaya çalışılmıştır. Bunun yanında Türk kültür ve dilinde kılıç; kılıç üretim süreçleri ile Avrupa kılıçlarına da kitapta yer verilmiştir.
tarihinde, İzmir’de yapılması planlanan suikast girişimidir. Eski mebus,
vekil, vali ve haydutların da bulunduğu birbirlerinden oldukça farklı bir
kesim tarafından yapılmak istenmiştir. Fakat, Mustafa Kemal Paşa İzmir’e
gelmeden önce Giritli Şevki’nin itirafı sayesinde önlenmiştir. Bunun üzerine
İzmir’e gelen İstiklâl Mahkemesi heyetince yapılan duruşmalarda,
olayın arkasında daha geniş muhalif grupların olduğu belirlenmiştir. İzmir’de
26 Haziran- 13 Temmuz günleri arasında yargılanan kırk kişiden,
ikisi gıyabında olmak üzere on beşi idamla, biri ise sürgünle cezalandırıldı.
Birkaç hafta sonra, 2- 26 Ağustos günleri arasında Ankara’da gerçekleştirilen
duruşmalarda yargılanan elli yedi kişiden dördü idam, altısı
sürgün, ikisi ise hapis cezasına çarptırılırdı. Bu iki aşamada toplam yüz
otuz bir sanık hakkında sorgulama yapılırken, bunların otuz dördü yargılamaya
gerek kalmadan serbest bırakıldı. Duruşmalar sonucunda Rüştü
Paşa dışındaki tüm paşalar beraat etti. Bu paşalar tekrar orduya dönmedi
ve Ocak 1927’de emekliye sevk edildiler.
Lozan Antlaşmasını takip eden tarihlerde İngilizler sınır bölgesinde bulunan Kürt ve Nasturi unsurları Türkiye aleyhine hareket geçirmek maksadıyla birtakım politikalar gütmeye başlamıştı. İsmet Paşa tarafından 31 Ocak 1923’te Türkiye’nin İngiltere Temsilcisi Yusuf Kemal Bey’e gönderilen talimatta bu durumdan duyulan rahatsızlık dile getirilmişti. Talimatta İngiltere’nin gerek Kürtlük gerekse diğer ihtilaflı meseleler ile iktisadi münasebetler konusunda Türkiye’ye güven verecek hamlelerde bulunmadığı bildiriliyordu. Türkiye’nin münasebeti ittifak derecesine taşımak için öncelikli olarak İngilizlere güven duyması gerekiyordu. Ancak İngilizlerin İran sınırındaki Kürt ve Nasturi unsurlar üzerinden yürüttüğü politika Türkiye’nin tamamen aleyhine gelişiyordu.
Mondros Mütarekesi’nin imzalanmasını takip eden günlerde bölgeyi işgal eden İngilizler; Musul, Kerkük ve Süleymaniye bölgesinde Türkler dışında kalan toplulukları birtakım vaatlerle kendilerine yaklaştırma gayreti içerisine girişmişlerdi. Bölgede etkin şekilde görev yapan İngiliz casusları Kürtler ve Araplara bağımsızlık vadediyorlardı. Bölge halkının Türklere olan sempatisini yok etmek içinde yoğun bir propaganda faaliyetine girişmişlerdi. İngiliz siyasetçiler Kürt aşiretlerini para dağıtarak veya zor kullanarak kendi yanlarına çekmek için çalışıyorlardı. Türklere kin güden bazı aşiret liderleri bu oyuna alet olarak İngiliz menfaatleri yönünde hareket ediyorlardı. Süleymaniye, Revandiz, Zebar, Akra ve Kerkük’te bulunan Türkler İngiliz idaresini istemiyorlardı. İngilizler Araplara gösterdiği merhameti Türklere göstermediği gibi şiddet uygulama yolunu seçmişti. Bu nedenle bölgede birtakım teşkilatlanmalar yapılmıştı. Revandiz bölgesinde İngilizlere karşı bir düşmanlık oluşurken yer yer ayaklanmalar başlamıştı. Revandiz halkı Türk idaresinde yaşamayı tercih sebebi olarak görüyordu. Türk memur ve askerlerinin bölgeye gönderilmesini istiyordu. El Cezire Cephesi Komutanlığı Kasım 1920’de Irak’ta bulunan İngilizlerin nazik durumlarından faydalanmak için 2. Tümen öncülüğünde Musul üzerine bir taarruz planı hazırlamasına rağmen Genelkurmay’da olur alınamadığı için plan tatbik edilememişti.
Genelkurmay Başkanı Fevzi Paşa tarafından Doğu ve El Cezire cepheleri komutanlıklarına gönderilen 7 Eylül 1922 tarihli emirde “Musul’un silahla alınacağı” bildiriliyordu. El Cezire grubu tüm kuvvetleriyle Dicle’nin iki tarafından Musul’a taarruz edecekti. Kazım Karabekir ise Van, Hakkâri ve Iğdır’daki sınır birliklerinden ve dağ bataryaları ile güçlendirilmiş birer piyade ve süvari tümenine ek olarak milislerden kurulu Özdemir Bey Müfrezesi ile İmadiye-Süleymaniye hattıyla Musul’a taarruz edecekti. 10 Kasım’da Siirt-Diyarbakır-Mardin-Cizre bölgesinde El Cezire grubunun toplanma emri verildi. Lakin devam etmekte olan Lozan Konferansı’nın neticeye ulaşma imkânı ve sorunu diplomasi yoluyla çözme isteği harekât planının iptal edilmesine neden oldu.
Lozan sonrası Türk-İngiliz ilişkilerinde herhangi bir olumlu gelişme yaşanmamıştı. Lozan Antlaşması’nın 3. Maddesinde belirtilen süre içerisinde tarafların bir araya gelebilmek için öncelikle heyetler oluşturması gerekiyordu. İngiliz Temsilcisi Mr. Lindsay Dışişleri Bakanlığına 25 Şubat 1924’te verdiği bilgide Musul meselesinin müzakere edilebilmesi için Percy Cox’un görevlendirildiği, Türk murahhaslarında belirlenerek kendilerine haber verilmesi halinde meselenin çözümünün daha hızlı olabileceği bildirilmişti. İngilizler Musul meselesi üzerine yapılacak görüşmelere en güçlü diplomatlarından olan Sir Percy Cox’u gönderiyordu. Bu seçim İngilizlerin konuyu hafife almadıklarının en büyük göstergesiydi. Cox Irak’ta yüksek komiser olarak görev yapmıştı. Irak’ta sivil yönetimi güçlendirmiş ve yerel yönetimlerde Iraklıların görev almalarını sağlamıştı. Dolayısıyla bölgeye ve Musul meselesine hâkim bir isimdi.
Türk ve İngiliz tarafının bir araya geleceği tarihlerde İngiliz siyasi hayatında önemli bir gelişme yaşanmıştı. İngiltere’nin muhalefet partilerinden işçi partisi iktidar olan Muhafazakâr Parti’nin icraatlarını sert bir dille eleştiriyordu. Türkiye ile de acilen barış yapılması gerektiğini söylüyordu. Partinin lideri olan Ramsay MacDonald 15 Ekim 1923’te Türkiye’ye ziyarette bulunmuştu. Muhafazakâr Parti iktidarı sona erince MacDonald liderliğindeki İşçi Partisi Ocak 1924’te iktidara geldi. Bu durum Türkiye’de İngiltere’nin Musul politikasında bir yumuşama dönemine gireceğine dair beklentilerin artmasına neden oldu. Başbakan ve Dışişleri Bakanı olan MacDonald İstanbul’a geldiği zaman Tanin gazetesine verdiği mülakatta iktidara geçersek Musul meselesini sizin lehinizde halledeceğiz şeklinde konuşmuştu. Türkiye’nin Londra Temsilcisi Yusuf Kemal Bey (Tengirşenk) elinde bu röportajla birlikte MacDonald’a giderek “Türk devleti bu vaadinizin gerçekleşmesini bekliyor” dedi. MacDonald ise; “Evet vaktiyle bir söz söylemiştim. Fakat şimdi kendimi hariciye makinesine kaptırdım. Onun birtakım ananeleri var. Ben sözümü yapamıyorum” cevabını verdi. Yusuf Kemal Bey’in Londra’da bulunduğu günlerde bir petrol şirketi reisi olan Lord İnverfort kendisine “Musul meselesi bizim için petrol meselesidir. Bunda anlaşırsak vilayet sizde kalabilir” demişti.
Anlaşma gereği ilk resmi temas Mayıs 1924’te İstanbul’da gerçekleşti. Konferansta Türk delegasyonuna TBMM Başkanı ve İstanbul Milletvekili Ali Fethi (Oktay) Bey, İngiliz delegasyonuna ise Irak Yüksek Komiseri Sir Percy Cox başkanlık ediyordu. Türk heyetinde müsteşar olarak ise Ordu Milletvekili Faik Bey ile Diyarbakır Milletvekili Feyzi Bey görev yapacaktı. Bunların dışında Dışişleri Müşaviri Nusret Bey ile Genelkurmay Başkanlığı Müşaviri İshak Avni Bey de Türk heyetinde bulunacaktı.
Papers by Süleyman Tekir
Banditry is used to describe illegal activities carried out by individuals or small groups. Although banditry activities were observed in almost every period of the Ottoman Empire, there was a serious increase, especially after the Balkan War. In the period between 1912 and 1922, defined as the ten-year war, bandit groups were seen in almost every region of the country. Economic difficulties, social turmoil, and the weakening of state authority during periods of war were the main factors that led to the increase in bandits and gang groups. During the Balkan War, the First World War, and the Turkish War of Independence, serious security problems emerged in the regions under the influence of war. Migration and the resulting food problems were among the main factors in the emergence of banditry. During the Turkish War of Independence, there was a special situation in which banditry moved away from its known meaning. After the Armistice of Mudros, most of the national forces (Kuva-yi Millîye) formed by the groups that did not accept the occupation of the Entente States were people with a gangster background. The irregular resistance units known as national forces were a gang-type organization formed by the Turkish people against the enemy occupation. These gangs fought against enemy troops in occupied areas using guerrilla tactics and contributed to the Turkish national resistance. In addition, during the years of the National Struggle, the gangs were divided into two groups. Those who acted together with the Ankara government were called honest gangs. Those who acted with the Greeks or the Istanbul government were characterized as dishonest. Within the framework of the Turkish nation's struggle for independence, gangs offered civil resistance against enemy occupation, organized acts of sabotage, and provided intelligence to the national forces. Gang leaders and members usually emerged from among the local leaders of villages or towns, artisans, farmers, or members of the military. They formed gangs to organize and sustain resistance to enemy occupation in their areas. Following the signing of the Treaty of Lausanne, there was a serious security weakness in the country. Although it was thought that banditry should be less of a problem, current developments indicated that this would not be the case. On October 29, 1923, following the proclamation of the Republic, severalsheiks, beys, and aghas attempted to create mischief because the new form of government was against their interests. In the first years of the Republic, bandit/gang groups were recklessly and indiscriminately attacking all kinds of vehicles, caravans, and people passing through the areas under their control. The Republican administration had difficulties in combating bandit groups, especially in the eastern provinces. Moreover, it was often impossible to predict the target group of the bandits. A wide range of people, from shepherds grazing sheep in the mountains to tax collectors, became the target audience of the bandits. Collectors were both subjected to violence and robbed. Land registrars were also easy targets for bandits. Especially in rural areas, land registration officers were often robbed by bandits. On the other hand, the first objective of government forces was always to capture the most notorious bandit. Some of the names that became legends in a short periodwere even attributed to events they did not commit. One of the biggest unknowns in the fight against bandits was the unpredictability of when they would show up and act. Whether it was a sad moment like a funeral or a happy time like a wedding, they could take action. Except for a few examples, it is not possible to see the type of bandit defined as a social bandit in the Western literature in Turkey. The number of those who try to ensure their justice by standing against social injustice is small. In addition, bandit groups of the social protest type are almost nonexistent. In the period subject to this study, rural banditry is observed in Turkey. In other words, banditry nests in provincial and rural areas rather than urban centers. The gendarmerie organization, which had to fight against this type of banditry, needed to be restructured. Especially an increase in numbers could have been a deterrent for the banditry. As the modernized gendarmerie was equipped with better weapons than the bandits, the psychological superiority shifted from the bandits to the gendarmerie. The Republican administration believed that effective deterrence would be achieved by using the power of law in the fight against banditry. For this purpose, an effective fight was initiated with a legal regulation. Enacted on October 18, 1923, the first article of the law was quite radical. If the bandits, whose names, fame, identities, and crimes were announced by the Ministry of Interior, did not surrender unconditionally, those who captured them wounded or dead would not be prosecuted or punished. After the establishment of the republican administration, it was observed that disorder prevailed in almost every region of the country. However, especially the Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia regions were one step ahead of other regions in this regard. To ensure the development and public order in these regions, the first trial of the general inspectorate/regional governorship system was conducted in the region that included the southern provinces. With the decisive struggle in the light of all these, banditry ceased to be a reality in Turkey after 1938.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Türkiye, Telsiz, Telefon, Telgraf, Telsiz Telefon, Posta
COMMUNICATION TOOLS IN TURKEY IN THE EARLY YEARS OF REPUBLIC: MAIL, PHONE, TELEGRAPH AND RADIO
(1925-1930)
Throughout history, men have strived to be able to communicate with one another over large distances. The most significant result of efforts in this area was the invention of the telegraph at the beginning of the nineteenth century. In a very short period of time, it was able to diversify communication methods. Although the Ottoman Empire was relatively early to adopt the telegraph, it was late to adopt the telephone. The ten-year war era devastated the communication infrastructure that had not yet been properly constructed. Almost all of the postal lines became inoperative. Communication with the fronts and with every location in Anatolia was feasible during the National Struggle thanks to the telegraph. Keeping the telegraph lines operational was possible thanks to the employees who struggled with superhuman effort. When the Republic was formed, there were only improvised telegraph connections and a postal system that couldn't run for a year and couldn't be incorporated into the world system. The great transformation in the means of communication took place in the period of 1925-1930. Investments in the telegraph, radio, telephone, and postal industries provided results in a short period of time. The 1929 economic crisis, on the other hand, had a detrimental influence on communication infrastructure projects, as it did on other investments. This study focuses on the investments made in the communication infrastructure in the period 1925-1930, after determining the situation for the period until 1925.
Key Words: Turkey, Radio, Telephone, Telegraph, Wireless Telephone, Mail
In 1889 at the Ottoman Empire's only medical school, a handful of students who do not accept the country's system of governance The name of the movement that was founded by the Unionist Party and achieved its goal 19 years later is Unionism. From 1905 onwards, it transformed into a more when the movement became convinced that it could not achieve success through the evolutionary method. adopted a revolutionary method. Based on these statements Unionism can be divided into two categories: before and after 1905. The first period is mostly characterized by the intellectual struggle the second period covers the time period in which The period is characterized by a period of execution and revolution. The main aim of the Committee of Union and Progress, which had secret and political aims To have Abdülhamid II reinstate the Kanun-i Esasi and to establish Constitutional rule in the Ottoman Empire. 1908 When referring to Unionism prior to the Unionist period, the first things that come to mind are secret rituals like meetings, mysterious symbols and vows. All these are the reasons why modern readers of history are curious about Unionism. is among the reasons that cause it.
First President of the Ottoman Special Organization
Author : Süleyman Tekir, Assoc. Prof. Dr.
Year of Publication : 2022
Publisher : Kronik Kitap, Istanbul
Format : 352 pages, 13.5 x 21 cm
ISBN : 978-625-84-3187-2
Language : Turkish
Süleyman Askerî Bey is an important figure in recent Turkish military and political history. What has been written about him so far has led to the emergence of a portrait that is disconnected from reality. This work presents a biography of Süleyman Askerî Bey and addresses the historical events of which he was the subject. In this respect, it is a monographic work rather than a mere biography. It adopts an approach that puts Süleyman Askerî Bey at the centre of the storyline and establishes connections with the developments around him.
The work consists of five chapters in which the events of the last eight years of Süleyman Askerî Bey's 31-year life are discussed in chronological order. The first chapter focuses on his activities within the Committee of Union and Progress, the second chapter on the Turco-Italian War, the third chapter on the Balkan War and his becoming the President of the Committee, the fourth chapter on his presidency of the Special Organization, and the fifth chapter on his activities on the Iraq Front.
While the literature contains numerous claims of kinship on Süleyman Askerî Bey, an oral history study conducted with his family revealed that almost none of these were true. The turning point in Süleyman Askerî Bey's life was his joining the ranks of the Committee of Union and Progress in 1907. Shortly afterwards, he took part in the Fedai Branch of the Committee and organized the assassination of Şemsi Pasha, which brought the 33-year one-man rule of Abdülhamid II to an end, upon which the Sultan was forced to reinstate the Constitutional Monarchy. He made a three-month journey, most of which was spent in the desert, to participate in the Turco-Italian War, which broke out while he was stationed in Baghdad for the reform of the gendarmerie. In this study, his diaries, in which he recorded his journey and his experiences at the front, were brought to light for the first time, bringing a new perspective to the War. Serving in very critical positions in Tripoli, he became one of the most important theorists of the school of irregular warfare, which would take part in the Turkish military literature. After seizing the regions of Komotini and Alexandroupolis, which the Ottoman government could not intervene in so as not to cause an international crisis following the Balkan War, with his irregular warfare units, he established the Independent Government of Western Thrace, which was the first Turkish Republic in the literature, and became its first head of state. He led the negotiations for an alliance between the Ottoman and Bulgarian governments before the First World War and played a key role in securing the alliance. After the end of the Government of Western Thrace, he founded the irregular warfare unit named Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa (Special Organization) in order to prevent the loss of the experience and learnings gained in irregular warfare, and became its first president. Today, this organization is regarded as the predecessor of the Turkish National Intelligence Organization. Soon, the special organization was organized in the Caucasus, Iran, Afghanistan, Egypt, Syria-Palestine, and the Balkans. Its activities included sabotage, intelligence, propaganda, guerrilla warfare, and numerous special warfare activities. At the end of 1914, Süleyman Askerî Bey was appointed as the Commander of the Iraq Front. Although he gathered a large army against the British in a short time, he was wounded in both legs in the Battle of Rota. Despite this, he refused to leave the front. On 14 April 1915, during the Battle of Shaiba, which he led on a stretcher, he committed suicide with the thought that he would lose the battle.
Elinizdeki çalışma, ekonomik ve askerî gücünüz olmadan savaşamayacağınızı, Sarıkamış Harekâtı’nda şehit sayısının 90 bin olmadığını, Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa’nın bir istihbarat örgütünden ziyade gayrinizami harp örgütü olduğunu, Kafkas Cephesi’nin kaybedilen cepheler statüsünde gösterilmesine rağmen şayet açılmamış olsaydı Rusların kolaylıkla İstanbul’u işgal edebileceğini belgelere dayanarak ortaya koymaktadır.
Sarıkamış Harekâtında sancak esir düşmesin diye sancaksız şehit düşenlerin mücadelesi, Kafkasya’yı fethetmek isteyen Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa görevlilerinin operasyonları, Erzurum, Erzincan, Artvin, Rize ve Trabzon’da yaşanan mücadelelerin tamamı, salgın hastalıklar dolayısıyla yaşanan kayıplar ve savaşın en trajik sonuçlarının başında gelen göçler; Türk ve Rus kaynakları taranarak renkli krokiler eşliğinde ilk kez bu kitapta ortaya seriliyor.
Dr. Süleyman Tekir, Beyaz Harp kitabıyla askerî tarihimizdeki Birinci Dünya Savaşı’na dair büyük bir boşluğu dolduruyor, Türk ve Rus kaynaklarını karşılaştırarak cepheye yeni bir bakış açısı kazandırıyor.
The main duty of the gendarmerie is to prevent crime and criminals. Contrary to what is known or accepted, while performing its law enforcement duties, the gendarmerie does not only pursue wrongdoers. One of its main duties is to prevent crimes before they are committed. The gendarmerie and the police are the executors of this duty, which is called preventive law enforcement services in modern literature. The gendarmerie has been established in order to ensure the order and security of regions located outside city centres. In the Ottoman Empire, intensive efforts were made to establish a modern gendarmerie beginning from the 19th century. One of the duties of the Ottoman gendarmerie, which was established by taking European examples into consideration, for maintaining order was to gather intelligence. The aim of this study is to discuss in a general framework the intelligence activities of the Ottoman gendarmerie from its inception to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey.
Intelligence, that is, the prevention of crimes or criminals by collecting precursor information, has a history as old as crime. The present study considers the type of intelligence performed by the gendarmerie as criminal intelligence. The criminal intelligence performed by the Ottoman gendarmerie can be defined as the prevention of crimes by evaluating the intelligence obtained. Undoubtedly, this definition can be made in hundreds of different ways. The study deals with the intelligence activities carried out by the gendarmerie based on this rough definition and drawing upon Ottoman archive documents. The Ottoman bureaucratic system did not formally assign the gendarmerie the task of intelligence gathering, processing and evaluation. However, the lack of an official intelligence task definition does not necessarily mean that the Ottoman gendarmerie did not engage in intelligence activities.
Studying intelligence, particularly criminal intelligence, involves certain difficulties. Incorrect categorisation of events in the historical process has caused the literature to be written completely wrong. Therefore, it is difficult to separate irregular warfare and intelligence organisations’ activities in Ottoman history. This study focused solely on the intelligence activities of the gendarmerie.
In the Ottoman Empire, the emergence of an institutional gendarmerie coincides more or less with the activation of the groups that attempted to revolt for independence based on the nationalism movement in various regions of the country. The increase in activities such as robbery, kidnapping and murder by bandits and gangs was also concurrent. The disruption of order in the Ottoman geography due to the Balkan and First World Wars increased the importance of gathering criminal intelligence.
The life-cycle of information is very short in the intelligence activities conducted for the prevention of crimes and criminals. Rapid change of location of criminals or criminal groups can cause certain information to lose its value in a short time. It is seen that the intelligence wheel of the gendarmerie moved in the following order; information acquisition, evaluation and intervention. This three-stage wheel, which is difficult to show definitively because such a definition has never been made technically, cannot be said to be sufficient to describe the process.
The current study focuses on how the gendarmerie gathered intelligence during the complex process mentioned above. The realisation of criminal intelligence was made possible by human intelligence. Human intelligence can basically be performed by carrying out espionage and snitching that are as old as human history. However, in order for this to happen, certain conditions must mature. The process of gathering and compiling information is very complex and sophisticated. It usually starts with the raw information received pertaining to a crime that has been committed or is likely to be committed, and includes the whole process until this information is evaluated and concluded. Accordingly, this study focuses primarily on who will collect intelligence.
Based on the fact that the gendarmerie operates in the countryside, a gendarmerie station and the station’s commander are obliged to carry out intelligence activities in their area of accountability. From whom and how the intelligence will be collected is directly related to the mutual relationships of the station commander with people living in his or her area of accountability. Here, human intelligence comes into play. The flow of information about the crimes and criminals in the area of responsibility can be assured through good relations with people. It would be wrong to expect this to be achieved solely through mutual relations. Intelligence is often obtained in exchange for money. The present study determined that there was no budget allocated to the gendarmerie in the Ottoman Empire. However, archival documents show that some financial rewards were given to those who brought intelligence during the pursuit of very large gangs and bandits.
The gendarmerie is one of the most important institutions responsible for the security and order of a country. In fact, it is the most important one, considering the scope of authority. In this respect, the intelligence obtained or expected to be obtained by the gendarmerie is expected to be internal intelligence. While it can be thought that the definition of internal intelligence has been reshaped with the terrorist groups and their focuses that have gained an asymmetrical dimension in the modern period, this was not the case in the past.
It is possible to divide the informants used by the gendarmerie into two as loyal and false ones. While all the information provided by loyal informants proved true without exception, false informants were used to mislead the gendarmerie and spread false information to the benefit of some groups. This situation is the most important indicator that the human intelligence must be filtered.
It was always difficult for the gendarmerie to combat the criminal elements that are defined as social bandits, who gained legitimacy in the eyes of the people by stealing from the rich and distributing them to the poor. At the root of the difficulty in dealing with such groups was the fact that the public protected them and no one could be found to serve as informants. On the other hand, informants could be punished by bandits or ostracised by the public. For such situations, the central government had to make some legal regulations to protect and reward informants.
The study also focused on offering a better understanding of the act of intelligence, which was tried to be marked off through analyses of relevant case studies.
Keywords: Ottoman Empire, Intelligence, Espionage, Crime Intelligence
Jandarmanın temel görevi suçu ve suçluyu önlemektir. Bilinen veyahut kabul edilenin aksine jandarma kolluk görevini yerine getirirken yalnızca suç faillerinin takibini yapmaz. Temel görevlerinden birisi suçun işlenmeden önlenmesidir. Modern literatürde önleyici kolluk hizmetleri olarak adlandırılan bu görevin uygulayıcısı jandarma ve polistir. Jandarma şehir merkezlerinin dışında kalan bölgelerin asayiş ve emniyetini sağlamak maksadıyla kurulmuştur. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda 19. Yüzyıldan itibaren modern bir jandarma teşkilatının kurulabilmesi için yoğun çaba sarf edilmiştir. Avrupalı örnekleri dikkate alınarak kurulan jandarmanın asayişi sağlayabilmesi için yerine getirmesi gereken görevlerinden birisi de istihbarat toplamaktır. Bu çalışma jandarma teşkilatının kurulmasından Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’ne kadar geçen sürede yaptığı istihbarat faaliyetinin genel çerçevede ele almayı hedeflemektedir.
İstihbarat yani önceden haber alınarak suçun veya suçlunun önlenmesi en az suç kadar eski tarihe sahiptir. Bu çalışmada jandarmanın gerçekleştirdiği istihbarat tipi; suç istihbaratı olarak kabul edilmiştir. Osmanlı jandarmasının gerçekleştirdiği suç istihbaratı şu şekilde tanımlanabilir; suç veya suçlunun fiili işlemeden elde edilen istihbaratın kıymetlendirilerek suçun engellenmesi. Şüphesiz bu tanım yüzlerce farklı şekilde yapılabilir. Bu çalışmada kabaca yapılan bu tanım üzerinden ve Osmanlı arşiv belgeleri kullanılarak, jandarmanın gerçekleştirdiği istihbarat faaliyetlerini ele alır. Çünkü Osmanlı bürokratik sistemi resmiyette jandarmaya istihbarat toplama, işleme ve kıymetlendirme gibi bir görev tanımı yapmamıştır. Resmî olarak istihbarat görev tanımının yapılmamış olması ise Osmanlı jandarmasının istihbarat faaliyetlerinde bulunmadığı anlamına gelmez.
Tekir, birinci bölümde klasik dönemden itibaren modern jandarmaya giden süreci gözden geçirmektedir. Zaptiye Müşîriyeti ve jandarmanın kuruluşuna kadar geçen sancılı süreci bu bölümde ele almıştır. İkinci bölümü ise kendi içerisinde üç ayrı kısma ayırıyor: Birinci Dünya Savaşı, Mondros Mütarekesi ve Millî Mücadele Dönemi. İlk olarak Birinci Dünya Savaşı’nda cepheye sürülen jandarmaların kısa sürede cephelerde erimesini irdeliyor. Mütareke ahkâmına göre ülkenin tek silahlı unsuru haline gelen jandarmanın Millî Mücadele yıllarındaki teşkilatı ve faaliyetleri ise bölümün son kısmını teşkil ediyor. Yazar, kitabın üçüncü ve son bölümünde Atatürk devrinde uzun savaş yıllarında yıpranan jandarmanın yeniden teşkilatlandırılmasını, Cumhuriyet jandarmasının kuruluş sürecini ele alıyor.
Arşiv belgeleri ve kaynak eserlerin ışığında devlet ve toplum arasında aracı bir teşkilat olan modern jandarmanın kuruluş hikâyesinin kronolojik olarak anlatıldığı bu çalışma Türk Askerî Tarihi alanında çok önemli bir boşluğu dolduruyor.
Dünyada kılıca ve onun tarihine olan bu ilginin aksine Türkiye’de, bu konu hakkında yapılan çalışmalar oldukça yetersizdir. Tarihi kaynak ve arşivlerimizde kılıçla ilgili bilgilerin yetersizliği bunu belirli oranda açıklayabilirse de kılıcı kullanmadaki mahareti yabancılar tarafından da sıklıkla dile getirilen Türklerin, bu silahın tarihine olan ilgisizliği dikkat çekicidir. Son yıllarda yoğunlaşan askeri tarih araştırmaları bu ilgiyi görece arttırmakla birlikte, çalışmalar halen yetersizdir. Bize, kılıç üzerine bir kitap yazma fikrini ve cesaretini veren de kılıç veya silahlar üzerine uzmanlığımız değil; bu silahın tarihinin Türkiye’de hak ettiği oranda incelenmemiş olmasıdır.
Yabancı dillerdeki literatür incelendiğinde, kılıç üzerine yoğunlaşan çalışmaların temelde nerede ve nasıl yapıldığı/imal edildiği sorularına arkeolojik kazı desteğiyle uzun zamandır cevap arandığı görülmektedir. Bunun yanında altı yüzyıl boyunca hüküm süren Osmanlı Devleti’nin kılıçla olan geçmişiyle ilgili yok denecek seviyede bilgi ve kaynağa sahibiz. Kılıçların üzerindeki işaret ve sembollerin bize anlatmak istediklerinin birçoğu ise hala büyük bir sır.
Bu kitabın amacı da kılıç gibi tarihi şekillendiren bir silahın hak ettiği değeri görmesi için mevcut literatüre bir nebze de olsa katkı sağlamaktır. Oldukça farklı çeşitleri bulunan, savaş meydanlarındaki kullanımı yanında çeşitli sembolik anlamları olan bir silah hakkında sınırlamaya gitme zarureti nedeniyle, konu seçiminde Türk ve Osmanlı kılıçları ile Osmanlı Devleti’nin hüküm sürdüğü ve komşu coğrafyalardaki kılıçlar ön plana çıkarılmaya çalışılmıştır. Bunun yanında Türk kültür ve dilinde kılıç; kılıç üretim süreçleri ile Avrupa kılıçlarına da kitapta yer verilmiştir.
tarihinde, İzmir’de yapılması planlanan suikast girişimidir. Eski mebus,
vekil, vali ve haydutların da bulunduğu birbirlerinden oldukça farklı bir
kesim tarafından yapılmak istenmiştir. Fakat, Mustafa Kemal Paşa İzmir’e
gelmeden önce Giritli Şevki’nin itirafı sayesinde önlenmiştir. Bunun üzerine
İzmir’e gelen İstiklâl Mahkemesi heyetince yapılan duruşmalarda,
olayın arkasında daha geniş muhalif grupların olduğu belirlenmiştir. İzmir’de
26 Haziran- 13 Temmuz günleri arasında yargılanan kırk kişiden,
ikisi gıyabında olmak üzere on beşi idamla, biri ise sürgünle cezalandırıldı.
Birkaç hafta sonra, 2- 26 Ağustos günleri arasında Ankara’da gerçekleştirilen
duruşmalarda yargılanan elli yedi kişiden dördü idam, altısı
sürgün, ikisi ise hapis cezasına çarptırılırdı. Bu iki aşamada toplam yüz
otuz bir sanık hakkında sorgulama yapılırken, bunların otuz dördü yargılamaya
gerek kalmadan serbest bırakıldı. Duruşmalar sonucunda Rüştü
Paşa dışındaki tüm paşalar beraat etti. Bu paşalar tekrar orduya dönmedi
ve Ocak 1927’de emekliye sevk edildiler.
Lozan Antlaşmasını takip eden tarihlerde İngilizler sınır bölgesinde bulunan Kürt ve Nasturi unsurları Türkiye aleyhine hareket geçirmek maksadıyla birtakım politikalar gütmeye başlamıştı. İsmet Paşa tarafından 31 Ocak 1923’te Türkiye’nin İngiltere Temsilcisi Yusuf Kemal Bey’e gönderilen talimatta bu durumdan duyulan rahatsızlık dile getirilmişti. Talimatta İngiltere’nin gerek Kürtlük gerekse diğer ihtilaflı meseleler ile iktisadi münasebetler konusunda Türkiye’ye güven verecek hamlelerde bulunmadığı bildiriliyordu. Türkiye’nin münasebeti ittifak derecesine taşımak için öncelikli olarak İngilizlere güven duyması gerekiyordu. Ancak İngilizlerin İran sınırındaki Kürt ve Nasturi unsurlar üzerinden yürüttüğü politika Türkiye’nin tamamen aleyhine gelişiyordu.
Mondros Mütarekesi’nin imzalanmasını takip eden günlerde bölgeyi işgal eden İngilizler; Musul, Kerkük ve Süleymaniye bölgesinde Türkler dışında kalan toplulukları birtakım vaatlerle kendilerine yaklaştırma gayreti içerisine girişmişlerdi. Bölgede etkin şekilde görev yapan İngiliz casusları Kürtler ve Araplara bağımsızlık vadediyorlardı. Bölge halkının Türklere olan sempatisini yok etmek içinde yoğun bir propaganda faaliyetine girişmişlerdi. İngiliz siyasetçiler Kürt aşiretlerini para dağıtarak veya zor kullanarak kendi yanlarına çekmek için çalışıyorlardı. Türklere kin güden bazı aşiret liderleri bu oyuna alet olarak İngiliz menfaatleri yönünde hareket ediyorlardı. Süleymaniye, Revandiz, Zebar, Akra ve Kerkük’te bulunan Türkler İngiliz idaresini istemiyorlardı. İngilizler Araplara gösterdiği merhameti Türklere göstermediği gibi şiddet uygulama yolunu seçmişti. Bu nedenle bölgede birtakım teşkilatlanmalar yapılmıştı. Revandiz bölgesinde İngilizlere karşı bir düşmanlık oluşurken yer yer ayaklanmalar başlamıştı. Revandiz halkı Türk idaresinde yaşamayı tercih sebebi olarak görüyordu. Türk memur ve askerlerinin bölgeye gönderilmesini istiyordu. El Cezire Cephesi Komutanlığı Kasım 1920’de Irak’ta bulunan İngilizlerin nazik durumlarından faydalanmak için 2. Tümen öncülüğünde Musul üzerine bir taarruz planı hazırlamasına rağmen Genelkurmay’da olur alınamadığı için plan tatbik edilememişti.
Genelkurmay Başkanı Fevzi Paşa tarafından Doğu ve El Cezire cepheleri komutanlıklarına gönderilen 7 Eylül 1922 tarihli emirde “Musul’un silahla alınacağı” bildiriliyordu. El Cezire grubu tüm kuvvetleriyle Dicle’nin iki tarafından Musul’a taarruz edecekti. Kazım Karabekir ise Van, Hakkâri ve Iğdır’daki sınır birliklerinden ve dağ bataryaları ile güçlendirilmiş birer piyade ve süvari tümenine ek olarak milislerden kurulu Özdemir Bey Müfrezesi ile İmadiye-Süleymaniye hattıyla Musul’a taarruz edecekti. 10 Kasım’da Siirt-Diyarbakır-Mardin-Cizre bölgesinde El Cezire grubunun toplanma emri verildi. Lakin devam etmekte olan Lozan Konferansı’nın neticeye ulaşma imkânı ve sorunu diplomasi yoluyla çözme isteği harekât planının iptal edilmesine neden oldu.
Lozan sonrası Türk-İngiliz ilişkilerinde herhangi bir olumlu gelişme yaşanmamıştı. Lozan Antlaşması’nın 3. Maddesinde belirtilen süre içerisinde tarafların bir araya gelebilmek için öncelikle heyetler oluşturması gerekiyordu. İngiliz Temsilcisi Mr. Lindsay Dışişleri Bakanlığına 25 Şubat 1924’te verdiği bilgide Musul meselesinin müzakere edilebilmesi için Percy Cox’un görevlendirildiği, Türk murahhaslarında belirlenerek kendilerine haber verilmesi halinde meselenin çözümünün daha hızlı olabileceği bildirilmişti. İngilizler Musul meselesi üzerine yapılacak görüşmelere en güçlü diplomatlarından olan Sir Percy Cox’u gönderiyordu. Bu seçim İngilizlerin konuyu hafife almadıklarının en büyük göstergesiydi. Cox Irak’ta yüksek komiser olarak görev yapmıştı. Irak’ta sivil yönetimi güçlendirmiş ve yerel yönetimlerde Iraklıların görev almalarını sağlamıştı. Dolayısıyla bölgeye ve Musul meselesine hâkim bir isimdi.
Türk ve İngiliz tarafının bir araya geleceği tarihlerde İngiliz siyasi hayatında önemli bir gelişme yaşanmıştı. İngiltere’nin muhalefet partilerinden işçi partisi iktidar olan Muhafazakâr Parti’nin icraatlarını sert bir dille eleştiriyordu. Türkiye ile de acilen barış yapılması gerektiğini söylüyordu. Partinin lideri olan Ramsay MacDonald 15 Ekim 1923’te Türkiye’ye ziyarette bulunmuştu. Muhafazakâr Parti iktidarı sona erince MacDonald liderliğindeki İşçi Partisi Ocak 1924’te iktidara geldi. Bu durum Türkiye’de İngiltere’nin Musul politikasında bir yumuşama dönemine gireceğine dair beklentilerin artmasına neden oldu. Başbakan ve Dışişleri Bakanı olan MacDonald İstanbul’a geldiği zaman Tanin gazetesine verdiği mülakatta iktidara geçersek Musul meselesini sizin lehinizde halledeceğiz şeklinde konuşmuştu. Türkiye’nin Londra Temsilcisi Yusuf Kemal Bey (Tengirşenk) elinde bu röportajla birlikte MacDonald’a giderek “Türk devleti bu vaadinizin gerçekleşmesini bekliyor” dedi. MacDonald ise; “Evet vaktiyle bir söz söylemiştim. Fakat şimdi kendimi hariciye makinesine kaptırdım. Onun birtakım ananeleri var. Ben sözümü yapamıyorum” cevabını verdi. Yusuf Kemal Bey’in Londra’da bulunduğu günlerde bir petrol şirketi reisi olan Lord İnverfort kendisine “Musul meselesi bizim için petrol meselesidir. Bunda anlaşırsak vilayet sizde kalabilir” demişti.
Anlaşma gereği ilk resmi temas Mayıs 1924’te İstanbul’da gerçekleşti. Konferansta Türk delegasyonuna TBMM Başkanı ve İstanbul Milletvekili Ali Fethi (Oktay) Bey, İngiliz delegasyonuna ise Irak Yüksek Komiseri Sir Percy Cox başkanlık ediyordu. Türk heyetinde müsteşar olarak ise Ordu Milletvekili Faik Bey ile Diyarbakır Milletvekili Feyzi Bey görev yapacaktı. Bunların dışında Dışişleri Müşaviri Nusret Bey ile Genelkurmay Başkanlığı Müşaviri İshak Avni Bey de Türk heyetinde bulunacaktı.
Banditry is used to describe illegal activities carried out by individuals or small groups. Although banditry activities were observed in almost every period of the Ottoman Empire, there was a serious increase, especially after the Balkan War. In the period between 1912 and 1922, defined as the ten-year war, bandit groups were seen in almost every region of the country. Economic difficulties, social turmoil, and the weakening of state authority during periods of war were the main factors that led to the increase in bandits and gang groups. During the Balkan War, the First World War, and the Turkish War of Independence, serious security problems emerged in the regions under the influence of war. Migration and the resulting food problems were among the main factors in the emergence of banditry. During the Turkish War of Independence, there was a special situation in which banditry moved away from its known meaning. After the Armistice of Mudros, most of the national forces (Kuva-yi Millîye) formed by the groups that did not accept the occupation of the Entente States were people with a gangster background. The irregular resistance units known as national forces were a gang-type organization formed by the Turkish people against the enemy occupation. These gangs fought against enemy troops in occupied areas using guerrilla tactics and contributed to the Turkish national resistance. In addition, during the years of the National Struggle, the gangs were divided into two groups. Those who acted together with the Ankara government were called honest gangs. Those who acted with the Greeks or the Istanbul government were characterized as dishonest. Within the framework of the Turkish nation's struggle for independence, gangs offered civil resistance against enemy occupation, organized acts of sabotage, and provided intelligence to the national forces. Gang leaders and members usually emerged from among the local leaders of villages or towns, artisans, farmers, or members of the military. They formed gangs to organize and sustain resistance to enemy occupation in their areas. Following the signing of the Treaty of Lausanne, there was a serious security weakness in the country. Although it was thought that banditry should be less of a problem, current developments indicated that this would not be the case. On October 29, 1923, following the proclamation of the Republic, severalsheiks, beys, and aghas attempted to create mischief because the new form of government was against their interests. In the first years of the Republic, bandit/gang groups were recklessly and indiscriminately attacking all kinds of vehicles, caravans, and people passing through the areas under their control. The Republican administration had difficulties in combating bandit groups, especially in the eastern provinces. Moreover, it was often impossible to predict the target group of the bandits. A wide range of people, from shepherds grazing sheep in the mountains to tax collectors, became the target audience of the bandits. Collectors were both subjected to violence and robbed. Land registrars were also easy targets for bandits. Especially in rural areas, land registration officers were often robbed by bandits. On the other hand, the first objective of government forces was always to capture the most notorious bandit. Some of the names that became legends in a short periodwere even attributed to events they did not commit. One of the biggest unknowns in the fight against bandits was the unpredictability of when they would show up and act. Whether it was a sad moment like a funeral or a happy time like a wedding, they could take action. Except for a few examples, it is not possible to see the type of bandit defined as a social bandit in the Western literature in Turkey. The number of those who try to ensure their justice by standing against social injustice is small. In addition, bandit groups of the social protest type are almost nonexistent. In the period subject to this study, rural banditry is observed in Turkey. In other words, banditry nests in provincial and rural areas rather than urban centers. The gendarmerie organization, which had to fight against this type of banditry, needed to be restructured. Especially an increase in numbers could have been a deterrent for the banditry. As the modernized gendarmerie was equipped with better weapons than the bandits, the psychological superiority shifted from the bandits to the gendarmerie. The Republican administration believed that effective deterrence would be achieved by using the power of law in the fight against banditry. For this purpose, an effective fight was initiated with a legal regulation. Enacted on October 18, 1923, the first article of the law was quite radical. If the bandits, whose names, fame, identities, and crimes were announced by the Ministry of Interior, did not surrender unconditionally, those who captured them wounded or dead would not be prosecuted or punished. After the establishment of the republican administration, it was observed that disorder prevailed in almost every region of the country. However, especially the Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia regions were one step ahead of other regions in this regard. To ensure the development and public order in these regions, the first trial of the general inspectorate/regional governorship system was conducted in the region that included the southern provinces. With the decisive struggle in the light of all these, banditry ceased to be a reality in Turkey after 1938.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Türkiye, Telsiz, Telefon, Telgraf, Telsiz Telefon, Posta
COMMUNICATION TOOLS IN TURKEY IN THE EARLY YEARS OF REPUBLIC: MAIL, PHONE, TELEGRAPH AND RADIO
(1925-1930)
Throughout history, men have strived to be able to communicate with one another over large distances. The most significant result of efforts in this area was the invention of the telegraph at the beginning of the nineteenth century. In a very short period of time, it was able to diversify communication methods. Although the Ottoman Empire was relatively early to adopt the telegraph, it was late to adopt the telephone. The ten-year war era devastated the communication infrastructure that had not yet been properly constructed. Almost all of the postal lines became inoperative. Communication with the fronts and with every location in Anatolia was feasible during the National Struggle thanks to the telegraph. Keeping the telegraph lines operational was possible thanks to the employees who struggled with superhuman effort. When the Republic was formed, there were only improvised telegraph connections and a postal system that couldn't run for a year and couldn't be incorporated into the world system. The great transformation in the means of communication took place in the period of 1925-1930. Investments in the telegraph, radio, telephone, and postal industries provided results in a short period of time. The 1929 economic crisis, on the other hand, had a detrimental influence on communication infrastructure projects, as it did on other investments. This study focuses on the investments made in the communication infrastructure in the period 1925-1930, after determining the situation for the period until 1925.
Key Words: Turkey, Radio, Telephone, Telegraph, Wireless Telephone, Mail
Birinci Dönem Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi, savaş meclisi olduğu kadar hükûmet-muhalefet çekişmesiyle de ünlüdür. Bu Mecliste Isparta mebusu olarak bulunan ve muhalefet saflarında yer alan Mersinli Cemal Paşa, bir yıldan biraz daha fazla sürede gerek müşterek çalışmaları gerekse münferit hareketleriyle dikkatleri üzerine çekmiştir. Mersinli Cemal Paşa’nın Meclisteki faaliyetleri dikkatle incelendiğinde nasıl bir siyasi kişilik olduğu daha rahat anlaşılabilir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, askerî hayatı sonrası dönemde siyasi bir kişilik olarak Mersinli Cemal Paşa’yı, özellikle muhalif yönüyle ele almaktır.
Mersinli Cemal Pasha is one of the famous figures in Turkish military history. He took part in the struggle on the front in the Balkan and First World Wars. Although he was in the ranks of the National Struggle after the Armistice of Mudros, the fact that he was the Minister of War in the Istanbul government damaged his relations with Ankara. Following the occupation of Istanbul, he was arrested by the British and taken to Malta. After he returned from Malta, he became Isparta deputy in the 1st Parliament of Turkey.
Other than being a council of war, the First Parliament of Turkey is also renowned for a government-opposition contention. Mersinli Cemal Pasha, who was in this Parliament as the deputy of Isparta in the opposition ranks, attracted attention with his collective and individual actions for a little more than a year. When his activities in the Parliament are examined carefully, it can be seen more clearly what kind of a political figure he was. The aim of this study is to discuss Mersinli Cemal Pasha as a political personality in his post-military years, especially as a dissident.
Keywords: Mersinli Cemal Pasha, Grand National Assembly of Turkey, Opposition, Second Group
Sword in the history of culture and civilization
1. Kılıç (Sword): Dr Süleyman Oҫal, pp. 15-30
2. Türk-Bozkır Tarihinde Kılıç (Swords in Turkish Steppe History): Arş. Gör. Mutlu KAHRAMAN, pp. 31-62
3. Hȃkimiet ve Güç Sembolü Olarak Kılıç (The Sword as a Symbol of Power and Rule): Doç. Dr. Oktay KIZILKAYA, pp. 63-78
4. Türk Mezar Tașlarinda Kılıç Sembolizmi (Sword Symbolism in Turkish Tombstones): Dr. Öğr. Üyesi, Muhammet ARSLAN, pp. 79-108
Second part
Swords from the Ottomans to the Republic
1. Osmanli Padișahlarinin Keskin Bir Hediyesi Olarak (Sharp gifts of Ottoman Sultans): Doç. Dr. Ahmet YÜKSEL, Arş. Gör. Okan GÜVEN, pp. 109-128.
2. Kılıçhane (swordsmiths): Dr. Öğr. Üyesi, Ersin DOĞANTEKİN, pp. 129-140.
3. 19. Yüzyilda Osmanli Devleti’nde Kılıç (Swords in the Ottoman Empire in the 19th Century): Dr. Öğr. Üyesi Tolga AKAY, pp. 141-160.
4. Harp Meydanindan Tören Meydanlarina: Osmanli’dan Cumhuriyet’e Kılıç (From the battlefield to the ceremonial use: Swords from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic): Dr. Öğr. Üyesi, Süleyman TEKİR, pp. 161-198.
Third part
Swords in the world history and Turkish culture
1. Kafkas Kılıçlari: Eğri Kılıç ve Şaşka (Caucasian swords: Curved swords and shashkas): Dr. Abdullah Temizkhan, pp. 199-222.
2. Memluk Kılıçları (Mamluk swords): Dr. Hatice Güler, pp. 223-244.
3. Iran Shamshir’inin (Şimşir) Tarihi (The history of Persian shamshir): Dr. Manouchehr Moshtagh khorasani, pp. 245-272.
4. Tarihsel Süreçte Avrupa Kiliçlarina Bir Bakiş (An overview of European swords in the historical process): Dr. Hürü Sağlam Tekir, pp. 273-290.
5. Kiliç Imalatinda Kullarulan Çelik Türleri ve Şam Çeliği (Types of steel used in sword manufacturing and Damascus steel): Dr Serdar Bey, pp. 291-328.
6. Türk Dili Bağlaminda Kiliç (Sword in the context of Turkish language): Dr. Muhammad Çitgez, pp. 329- 358.
With the Armistice of Mudros that was signed on 30 October 1918, Greeks found an opportunity for which they had been waiting for long years. Since the Ottoman Empire’s armies would be discharged according to the Armistice, a vulnerability of security would occur in Anatolia. Thus, Greeks would be able to accomplish their purposes in and around Izmir. Pursuant to article 7 of the Armistice, the Allied Powers were entitled to intervene in regions where such a vulnerability occurred. For a long time, Greeks living in Izmir had been prepared via churches, schools and journalism to be used in fifth column activities. In order to exploit the situation, they began activities for creating a vulnerability of security by disturbing the public order of Izmir. Greek organisations and the metropolitan bishop’s church were the biggest supporters of this process. Greek gangs tried to drive Turkish community away from the region by village raids, kidnappings, forestalling, etc. especially on the coastline. They also made demonstrations and rampages in downtown at every opportunity.
The Greek government sent Greek gangs, arms and ammunition to the region under the name of the Red Cross. Although the Turkish administration in Izmir understood what was going on from the first days, administrators were replaced continuously by interventions
made from Istanbul. Therefore, it was not possible to make an effective struggle against Greek organisations. Drawing on archival documents, the current study addresses the activities carried out by Greeks in and around Izmir for ensuring an intervention by the Allied Powers in the
process that followed the Armistice of Mudros. Keywords: Greeks, Izmir, Public Order, Gang, Red Cross.
alanında adımlar atıldı. Cumhuriyet’in ilânını takip eden süreçte düşman işgali sona eren İstanbul’daki sağlık kuruluşlarından faydalanma imkânı doğdu. 1924’te sağlık politikasına göre öncelikli olarak yapılması gerekenler belirlendi. Salgın hastalıklarla mücadele, yeni hastanelerin açılması, doktor yetiştirilmesi, halkın bilinçlendirilmesi ve kanuni düzenlenmelerin yapılması öncelikli konular arasında yer aldı. Bu çalışmada Sıhhiye ve Muavenet-i İçtimaiye Vekâleti’nin kuruluş süreci ve erken Cumhuriyet döneminde yaptığı faaliyetler ele alındı.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Sağlık Bakanlığı, Salgın hastalıklar, Hastaneler, Sağlık politikaları
Abstract
The wars that continued between the years of 1912 and 1918 caused a great trouble for Anatolia. From then to 1922, Anatolia remained under enemy occupation. Infectious diseases and epidemics had spread across the country. With the opening of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, the first steps in the field of health were taken in Anatolia. The GNAT struggled against enemy forces, on the one hand, and produced policies for protecting public health, on the other hand. The Ministry
of Health and Social Welfare was established pursuant to the Law No. 3. Although the Istanbul Government prevented medicine and other medical materials from being sent from Istanbul, steps were taken in the field of health with an extraordinary endeavour until victory. In the period
that followed the proclamation of the Republic, it became possible to benefit from the health institutions in Istanbul upon the end of occupation. Primary activities required to be carried out were determined according to the health policy that was established in 1924. These included struggle against epidemics, opening of new hospitals, education of physicians, raising public awareness, and making legal regulations. The present study addressed the establishment process of the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, and the activities it carried out in the early Republican period. Keywords: Ministry of Health, Epidemics, Hospitals, Health policies
Conflicts, ethnic attacks, and fear of genocide caused millions of people to leave their homes during the years of World War II. While their exact number is not known, 20 million people immigrated during the war. Turkey was exposed to an intense immigration from Eastern Europe. The basic reason for this immigration was the settlement policies implemented by Germany and Soviet Russia. During warfare, refugees were categorised among themselves as captives, political refugees, civilians, Jews, and spies. When Germany attacked Greece in 1941, Turkey faced intense refugee immigration. Some of the refugees were settled in various cities, towns and villages in Turkey, and some in camps. An important part of them were transferred to camps under the auspices of England in the Middle East. During the war, tens of thousands of refugees took shelter in Turkey. European Jews who wanted to escape from genocide tried to reach Palestine using Turkey as a bridge. Throughout the war, Turkey showed a welcoming attitude towards all refugees without any religious, linguistic or racial discrimination.
When the Republic of Turkey was established, epidemics were almost running rampant in Anatolia, which had been ruined due to long and tiresome wars. In this great misery, Anatolian people did not have hospitals or medications. With the proclamation of the Republic, a particular importance was given to public health services. Between the years of 1923 and 1930, which can be called the Early Republican Period, all the efforts in the field of health were made for struggle with epidemics. The most encountered diseases inflicting people in this period were malaria, syphilis, variola, scarlet fever, trachoma, diphtheria, and tuberculosis. Syphilis was mostly observed in the central and northern parts of the country, trachoma in the South, and malaria all around. Committees were established to struggle with epidemics in the 1923-1930 period. Medications, vaccines, serum, and physicians were sent according to the reports of epidemics received from provinces. The production of vaccines, which were a critical part of this struggle, was carried out by the state. Medications which could not be produced in Turkey were imported f Frengi, Trahom, Çiçek, Kızıl, Verem rom abroad. In 1930, based on the experiences gained from the field works, the Public Health Law was enacted. With this law, the struggle with contagious and epidemic diseases gained a legal ground. Drawing on archival documents, newspapers, books, and reviews, the current study addresses the struggle made with epidemics observed in the 1923-1930 period in Turkey.
Syphilis, Trachoma, Variola, Scarlet Fever, Tuberculosis
19. yüzyılın sonlarında rastlanmaktadır. Osmanlı ülkesinde yaşanan sosyoekonomik ve askeri şartlar yeni idari teşekküllerin kurulmasına zemin hazırlamıştır. Müfettişlikler Cumhuriyetin ilk döneminde benimsenerek uygulanmıştır. Bu yapılar tarihi süreç içerisinde “Umumi Valilik, Eyalet Valiliği, Genel Valilik, Fevkalade Valilik, Hidivlik, Bölge Valiliği, Süper Vali, İnspektörlük, Genel Müfettişlik” isimleri ile dönemin şartlarına göre adlandırılmışlardır.
ile birlikte farklı isimler altında çalışmalarını sürdürdü. 6 Ağustos 1919’da Yakındoğu Yardım Heyeti (Near East Relief, NER) adını alan heyet, Osmanlı kaynaklarında ise Amerikan Şark-ı Karib Muavenet Cemiyeti adı ile anılacaktır. Diğer taraftan yardım faaliyetlerinin sistemli bir şekilde yürütülmesi amacıyla NER tarafından Osmanlı coğrafyası ise çeşitli ana yardım merkezlerine ayrıldı. Söz konusu merkezî bölgelerden birisi Halep olup, dönem dönem değişmekle birlikte Urfa, Antep, Maraş, Mardin,
Diyarbakır, Kilis ve Bilecik gibi yerleşim yerlerindeki yardım faaliyetleri de Halep’teki ana yardım merkezine bağlı olarak yürütüldü. Bu çalışmada öncelikli olarak NER’in Urfa’daki yardım faaliyetleri incelendi. Urfa’nın yanı sıra Halep, Antep, Kilis, Maraş, Mardin, Diyarbakır ve Bilecik çevrelerinde icra edilen yardım faaliyetleri de irdelenen bölgeler arasındadır. Bu bağlamda, başta Uluslararası Araştırma için Dijital Kütüphane (Digital
Library for International Research / DLIR) adresinde yer alan American Board - Near East Relief’e ait arşiv belgeleri olmak üzere, çeşitli tetkik eserler incelemeye tabi tutuldu.
A charity organization was established with the name Armenian Relief
Committee (ARC) of the USA in order to help the Armenians who were subjected to the immigration under the Relocation and Resettlement Law issued by the Ottoman Government. The committee, headed by James Barton, continued to work under different names with the expansion of the field of activity over time. On August 6, 1919, the
delgation, which was named as the Near East Relief (NER), in the Ottoman sources, it is also known as Amerikan Şark-ı Karib Muavenet Cemiyeti. On the other hand, the Ottoman geography is divided into various main aid stations by the NER for the purpose of the
systematic execution of the aid activities. One of the central regions is the Aleppo, with the periodical changes, relief activities in settlements such as Urfa, Antep, Maraş, Mardin, Diyarbakır, Kilis, and Bilecik were carried out in connection with the main aid station in Aleppo. In the study, primarily the NER's aid activities in Urfa will be examined. In addition to Urfa, Aleppo, Antep, Kilis, Maraş, Mardin, Diyarbakir and Bilecik are among the regions to be examined. In this study, primarly be on the point of the archive documents of the American Board – the Near East Relief, which is internet address at the Digital Library for International Research (DLIR), the Ottoman Empire archives and examination works will be subject to examination.
Savaşların en trajik sonuçlarının başında, savaş bölgelerinde yaşayan sivil halkın yaşadığı bölgeleri terk etmeleri yani göçler gelmektedir. Yunanlıların yaptıkları katliamlara karşı kayıtsız kalamayan bölge halkı iç bölgelere doğru göçe başladı. Bölgedeki idari ve askeri yetkililerin çabaları göçü engelleme noktasında yetersiz kaldı. Çoğunluğunu kadın, çocuk ve yaşlıların oluşturduğu muhacirler İtalyan işgal bölgelerine sığınmaya başladılar. Muhacirler güney ve kuzey mıntıkası olarak adlandırılan iki farklı bölgeye göç etmek zorunda kaldılar. Göç kafileleri Çine, Koçarlı, Afyonkarahisar ve Balıkesir’e kadar uzanan coğrafyaya ulaştı. İşgallere hazırlıksız yakalanan muhacirler üzerlerinde kıyafetleri; yanlarında erzakları olmadan yola çıkmışlardı. Göç kafilelerinin ulaştığı bölgelerde barınma, sağlık ve iaşe konularında ciddi sorunlar ortaya çıktı. İlk etapta ulaştıkları bölgelerdeki yerel idare ve ahali, muhacirlere sahip çıktı. İlerleyen süreçte, bölgeye gönderilen devlet görevlileri tarafından gerekli yardımlar yapıldı.
Bu çalışmada; Aydın ve çevresinden göç etmek zorunda kalan yaklaşık 140.000 muhacirin yerleştikleri bölgeler, karşılaştıkları sağlık problemleri ve bu muhacirlere yapılan yardımlar ele alınacaktır.
Batı Anadolu, Yunan İşgali, İzmir, Aydın, Muhacir.
TEKİR Süleyman, URAL Selçuk, Greek Occupation in Western Anatolia And Emigrants of Aydin (1919-1920), CTAD, Volume 13, Issue 26 (Fall 2017), pp.
İzmir was occupied by Greek forces on 15 May 1919 on the pretext of the Armistice of Mudros that was signed with the Allied Powers in the end of World War I. Afterwards on 27 May 1919, Greeks occupied Aydın. On the days following the occupation, Greek soldiers began to massacre Muslim Turks living around İzmir and Aydın. The greatest goal of the massacres was to reduce Turkish population than the Greek population. One of the most tragic results of wars is that civilians living in war territories are obliged to leave their settlements, that is, migration. Due to these Greek massacres, population of the region began to emigrate towards interior areas. Efforts made by the administrative and military officials in the region were not sufficient in prevention of the emigration. Mostly consisting of women, children and elders, emigrants began to take refuge in the regions under Italian occupation. Emigrants had to go to two different regions named the southern and the northern territories. Some groups reached as far as Çine, Koçarlı, Afyonkarahisar and Balıkesir. Caught with occupations off their guards, emigrants had set off with insufficient clothing and supplies. Serious problems in terms of sheltering, health and food arose in the regions that the groups reached. They were helped by the local administrative officials and communities of the areas that they initially reached. In the following periods, they were helped by the government officials who were sent to the region. In connection with approximately 140 thousand emigrants who had to emigrate from around Aydın, this study addresses the areas they settled to, the health problems they suffered and the assistance they were provided with.
Keywords: Western Anatolia, Greek Occupation, İzmir, Aydın, Emigrant
Karabekir's military life allowed him to be intertwined with training and education. In the period when he was the commander of the XIV Corps in Tekirdağ in the end of World War I, he came across many orphans and other children in need of help, and he had a charge of them and cared for their education.
Thanks to the education that he provided to those children who had lost their families as a result of long-lasting wars in the Erzurum-Kars region, he helped them hold onto life again and, by defying the adverse conditions and financial impossibilities of the region, tried to implement his international understanding education in Ottoman orphanages.
Karabekir's philosophy of education is based on the idea to improve financial development and production. The American education system's approach to education in the general context of production and practice became influential in the formation of his understanding of education. He was also influenced by the opinions of Paul Monroe, a famous pedagogue who made an emphasis on raising business persons in the secondary education. Karabekir believed that an education system which makes people dependent on civil service instead of leading them to productivity and creativity is bad.
Kazım Karabekir had learned from his family during his childhood about protecting and caring for poor and orphan people. He described his family's attitude in this regard and the influence they made on him in the following statements:
“The pleasure of helping the poor rooted in me beginning from my childhood years. Thanks both to my father, along with whom I visited many places of our country and whom I lost in my childhood, and also to my mother subsequently, I was familiarized with and tasted the conscience clarity of the custom of helping poor children and especially rejoicing them by offering them underwear, clothes and pocket money. Many orphan children were raised under the protection of our family.”
Karabekir referred to the children that he took under his protection in Anatolian lands as Our Case for Children ("Çocuk Davamız"). He described "Our Case for Children" in the following words:
“It is a case that I support to take poor and neglected children under state protection and equip them with a material and ideal education that will allow them to be successful and strong in the life struggle just like the other children of the nation. I call this 'Our Case for Children'.”
As soon as Kazım Karabekir came to the East in 1919, he primarily took orphan children under his protection. He included in the Corps Craft teams those children which could not be cared for due to insufficient finances in the orphanages of Bayburt and then of Erzurum. At the first stage, 600 children were taken under protection by assigning existing foremen as work trainers and officers as educators of good manners and reading.
Using the opportunities of the Corps, he opened such educational institutions for orphans as a reformatory, a Primary Boarding School, Workshops, a Medical School, Sarıkamış Military High School and Sarıkamış Kindergarten. Karabekir was leaving some of the children raised in these schools in the Corps while helping others find jobs outside. He also subjected intelligent ones to special education and sent them to military schools.
In addition to the administrative, legal and military reconstructions to be made, education, theatre and press would also rapidly develop thanks to him, and the souls of the heroes who sacrificed their lives here seven years ago would find life with these orphan children starting school. The military war had ended but a political, cultural and economic war had begun. Therefore, the developments in Sarıkamış are very important. Following the warfare, Turkish children in need of care were collected in orphanages, schools were opened, theatre groups were formed, and a newspaper was published.
Other than these activities, Karabekir helped regular horse races to be organised for the first time and personally attended such organisations along with his entourage for encouragement. In order to inspire vitality in this ignored region of the East, he ensured that these races were regularly organised and he aimed to help people regain, to some extent, the joy which they had been lacking for years through entertainment organisations such as biking, speeding and gunny sack races, wrestling, and circumcision feasts.
In his remaining lifetime, he struggled to raise a progressive young generation by blending the modern education systems being implemented in advanced nations with Turkish customs and beliefs. Approaching westernisation from its financial aspect pursuant to his understanding of education, Karabekir highlighted the Turkish-Islamic synthesis in cultural terms. It can be concluded that, by the educational institutions and courses, Kazım Karabekir aspired to provide the orphan children of the East with an education compliant with all the modern requirements.
Rusya tarafına geçen Ermenilerin birçoğu Kars ve Tiflis merkezli kurulan Ermeni Gönüllü Çetelerine kayıt oluyorlardı. Kayıt olmayanların bir kısmı ise üst düzeyde korunmayan sınırdan sürekli girip çıkarak askeri casusluk yapıyorlardı. Türk birliklerinin sayısı ve konuş yerleri hakkında Ruslara sürekli istihbarat sağlıyorlardı. Ruslar sınır hattında sayıları binlerle ifade edilen çeteciler kurarak Türk sınırından içlere göndermek için hazırlıyorlardı. Kısa süre içerisinde Rusya’da görev yapan Türk şehbenderleri edindikleri istihbarat bilgilerini Hariciye Nezareti aracılığıyla İstanbul’a aktarmaya başladı. Eylül 1914 itibariyle durumun ciddiyeti anlaşılınca sınırdan pasaportsuz olarak geçilmesi yasaklandı. Sınırdan geçerken üzerinde silah ve cephane yakalatanlar gözaltına alınırken kaçmaya çalışanlar ise vurulacaktı. Ayrıca Ermeni ve Rusların bölge üzerindeki bölücü düşüncelerine karşı bölgedeki Müslüman ahalinin ileri gelenlerine bilgilendirmeler yapıldı ve karşı istihbarat faaliyetlerine başlandı.
Bu çalışmada Birinci Dünya Savaşı öncesi Türk-Rus sınırında Ermeni faaliyetleri Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi ve Genelkurmay Başkanlığı ATASE Arşivinde bulunan belgeler ışığında bilimsel etik kuralları dikkate alınarak incelenmiştir.
Anahtar Kelimeler; Ermeni, Birinci Dünya Savaşı, Türk-Rus Sınırı, Erzurum, Kars
At the beginning of the XIXth century, by Russians capturing of the important bridgeheads in the South Caucasian the region was started to becoming the scene of the Turkish-Russian struggle that will continue for a century-long. In this process, Russians were aiming of obtaining a corridor, in the region from Kars up to İskenderun, in order to reach the Mediterranean. As of the Turkish side was not giving up the political desires on Caicasus in order to reach of Baku’s oil and to contact with Central Asia. In such a table, the strained political and military environment in Europe led to the First World War. Although the Turkish side tried to be remained neutral in the early months of the war, they were involved in the war as an ally with Germany. They officially involved in the war as a result of the Turkish Navy’s bombing of the Black Sea coasts of the Russians in October 29, 1914.
The combats that will continue for four years, have began in the Caucasian battle front, as a result of the Russian army’s passing of the Turkish-Russian border in November 1, 1914. The first serious combats were experienced around Köprüköy and Azap, between the two sides. In these combats, Turkish army has achieved significant success against the Russian. However, the failure of the follow-up movement prevented the major victorious conclusion of the combats. The Deputy Commander in Chief Enver pasha, came to the battle front region, at the beginning of December 1914 and took upon himself the command of the IIIrd Army and has launched a major assault to the direction of Sarıkamış on December 22, 1914. However, the seasonal conditions, miscommunication between the command level and the insufficiency of the military equipment were led to a major disaster in the forefront of Sarıkamış. In the period after the operation, the Turkish army was forced to struggle with epidemics for a long time. In the period following the disaster in Sarıkamış, the assault initiative all along the battle front has passed into the hands of the Russians.
In the early months of 1915, the warring parties in the battle front were paused the combats for a while in order to put their armies in a specific regularity. As from May 1915, Russian Caucasian Army was started its assault in Tortum direction, in order to attract the Turkish Army’s attention to another direction for the assaults they planned to perform in the south of the battle front. However, the Turkish army that was in a weaker position than the Russians was able to stop the assaults. Since the early months of 1916, the Russians were accelerated their assaults in order to seize Erzurum. The Turkish army which could not be able to get a grip against the Russians in the forefront of Azap. The city was passed into the hands of Russians, due to the absence of a serious defense mechanism in Erzurum.
In the period following the occupancy of Erzurum, the Russians interfered with a serious follow-up action and led to the recession of the Turkish army up to Tercan. In 1916 the combats were concentrated in the Çoruh valley and the Black Sea coast. Russians were occupied Rize and Trabzon in the Black Sea, Bayburt and Gümüşhane in the Çoruh valley and finally Erzincan. In 1917, major combats could not be experienced in the battle front due to the confusions that experienced in Russia. In the Caucasian combat front the combats were terminated officially with the Erzincan Truce that was signed between the parties of the combats.
Beşiktaş’ta doğdu. Kastamonu-Taşköprü’nün
Yazı Köyü eşrafından Hacı Osman Bey’in soyundan
gelen Ahmet Bey’in oğludur.2 14 Ocak 1901 tarihinde
Harp Okulu’na başlayıp 22 Ağustos 1903’te mezun
oldu ve aynı gün teğmen rütbesine atandı. Rütbelerinin
yükselme tarihleri şu şekildedir:
22 Ağustos 1903’te teğmen;
22 Temmuz 1908’de üsteğmen;
27 Nisan 1911’de yüzbaşı;
23 Haziran 1915’te binbaşı;
14 Haziran 1916’da yarbay;
6 Aralık 1920’de albay;
31 Ağustos 1922 mirliva.3