Papers/reports - Peer Reviewed by Rana Khalaf, PhD
Post-conflict knowledge and practice regarding effective governance reconstitution is still in it... more Post-conflict knowledge and practice regarding effective governance reconstitution is still in its infancy; during conflict, it is even more minimal. In conflict-torn states, it is still debatable that state building has become synonymous to re-establishing governance -thus peace; and that civil society has become a protagonist in this process. More consensus, nevertheless, has been reached in literature regarding the yet limited capability to deal with conflict. One of the most alarming conflicts in modern history that requires such improved academic understanding during conflict itself is the Syrian case. Syria’s conflict presents complex governance dynamics and state building interests. Syria is witnessing the rise of both civil societies and extremist groups in the midst of civil wars, proxy wars and popular uprisings against authoritarianism.
This article aims to provide an insight into the yet misunderstood dynamics of governance during conflict, as it focuses on the non-government-controlled parts of Syria. The article pays particular attention to the agency of civil society vis-à-vis other local and international state building interests. It bases its analysis on a theoretical framework centred on the notion of “hybridity”. In two different sections, the article analyses the extent to which governance is a hybrid of, first, old and new governance imbalances and, second, of local and international forces. Governance imbalance is seen in light of the state-market-civil society developmental model. Meanwhile, the governance of local and international forces during conflict is measured following three dimensions: effectiveness, legitimacy and security. A third section is then dedicated to case studies of three non-government-controlled-areas in Syria: Al-Raqqa, Dair Ezzor and Aleppo. With a historical and contextual snapshot of the changing dynamics during conflict in these areas, this section studies the agency of civil society versus other more powerful governance actors on the ground. The cases are supported by data from an intensive qualitative and quantitative field research of over 6 months expanding until May 2014.
The research findings suggest that while the different factors, forces and interests in the Syrian conflict coexist and cooperate, both the old and the new, the grass-roots and the top-down, the civil and the uncivil governance become hybridised. The result, nonetheless, continues to derive unbalanced governance between the key actors in the state, civil society and market spheres. This necessitates a more holistic historical and contextual understanding of the continuously changing nature of governance during conflict. It requires better insight into the relationships and dynamics between the actors at the local and international levels. It also implies the need for better cooperation with local civil societies following an approach tailored more closely to their rights, motives, nature, needs and governance realities on the ground.
The first of its kind as an evidence-based research carried during the Syrian conflict inside Syr... more The first of its kind as an evidence-based research carried during the Syrian conflict inside Syria, this study presents the results of a quantitative and qualitative mapping of 94 civil society groups and Local Councils in the non-government-controlled areas of Syria from the start of the country's popular uprising in March 2011 until February 2014. Carried out as part of the Badael Project for Sustainable Peace in Syria, this research has pursued three objectives: (1) to identify the characteristics of local CSGs in Syria, (2) to understand their identity and dynamics and (3) to analyse their challenges, opportunities and needs. Its findings not only provide a more nuanced picture than that often conveyed by the media, but also supports Syrian civil society groups in overcoming their difficulties and making better use of the opportunities available to them. At the same time, it could inspire the international community to review its support for Syrian civil society to make it more relevant to the realities and needs on the ground.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface
Executive Summary
1. Introduction: The Awakening of Syrian Civil Society
1.1 Syrian Civil Society in the Twentieth Century
1.2 The 'Damascus Spring'
1.3 Governmental Non-Governmental Organizations
1.4 A New Civil Society
2. Research Scope and Methodology
2.1 Research Scope
2.2 Research Techniques
2.3 Strengths and Limitations
3. Characteristics of Local Civil Society Groups
3.1 Civil Society on the Ground
3.1.1 Geographical spread
3.1.2 Emergence of civil society groups by region
3.2 Demographic Characteristics
3.2.1 Group size
3.2.2 Gender structure
3.2.3 Age structure
3.2.4 Educational attainment levels
4. Identities and Dynamics of Local Civil Society Groups
4.1 Choice of Name
4.2 Ideological Orientation
4.2.1 Interest in engaging in political activism
4.2.2 Economic vision
4.2.3 Religious orientation
4.2.4 Democratic and citizenship values
4.3 Dynamics
4.3.1 Funding resources
4.3.2 Roles and relationships on the ground
4.3.3 Relationships with other stakeholders
5. Local Civil Society Groups: Challenges, Opportunities and Needs
5.1 Challenges
5.2 Opportunities
5.3 Needs
6. Conclusion
7. Recommendations
7.1 Recommendations for Local Civil Society Groups
7.2 Recommendations for the International Community
E-International Relations, Dec 11, 2014
Identified as a world threat, ISIS has managed to unite most international warring parties in Syr... more Identified as a world threat, ISIS has managed to unite most international warring parties in Syria against it. An anti-ISIS international coalition continues to launch airstrikes in Syria and Iraq. Ironically, this coalition includes nations that have contributed to the expansion of ISIS. These served to either facilitate the travel of Jihadists to Syria, to train, arm and/or fund them. Nonetheless, beyond international forces, ISIS also owes its expansion to local circumstances and dynamics. Yet again, focus on this local aspect to deal with ISIS seems to remain limited.
This article highlights the governance mechanisms of ISIS at the local level in Syria. Particular attention is paid to the dynamics between ISIS and local civil society in Al-Raqqa and Dair Ezzor. Al-Raqqa is the base of ISIS in Syria while Dair Ezzor is one of its most contested areas. It is noted that while the Syrian regime and international interests have prompted its support system there, ISIS seems to have furthered its governance through three major factors: effectiveness, security and legitimacy. These have helped it govern beyond what its coercion, ideology and unsustainable resources would have permitted. Meanwhile, local civil society governance systems remain weak, fragmented and much challenged in Syria. As a result, it is foreseen that unless another alternative is created, there will remain low incentives for the locals to risk non-compliance or resistance to ISIS. Thus, the success of any anti-ISIS plan is doomed to fail should it not tackle local governance dynamics.
This report addresses the issue of gender equality in Emerging Syrian Media (ESM) and investigate... more This report addresses the issue of gender equality in Emerging Syrian Media (ESM) and investigates whether the dominant discourse and social practice exacerbate existing levels of inequality. It covers the period between 2011 and 2015 and addresses two aspects of ESM: women workers and the discourse on women.
The ESM under review is primarily print media (magazines and newspapers), and radio to a lesser extent. The report incorporated both qualitative and quantitative analysis in a mixed methods approach. The research tools used were: a content analysis of 136 texts from 24 media outlets selected through a stratified random sample, 36 structured online questionnaires, eight face-to-face interviews and two focus groups.
As the research takes cognizance of the Syrian socio-cultural background and the current context of conflict, it is carried out by Syrian researchers and professionals and uses a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of the media as its framework. CDA is a recent school of discourse analysis that is context specific, and which concerns itself with relations of power and inequality in language. This is intended to feed into possibilities for ESM and their donor organizations to work towards gender equality in Syria.
Importance of the research
Why work towards gender equality in a complex context such as Syria? Does gender equality matter at the moment amidst all the bloodshed, violence, conflict and revolt against the author-itarianism of all warring sides in Syria? The simple answer is yes.
Peace, justice and liberation cannot exist without challenging existing power structures, or without the participation of all concerned sides. The imbalance in the gender power structure in Syria is critical.
Before the uprising, gender inequality was embedded in government policies in the public sphere, as well as in local perceptions and the practices of religion, norms and traditions with in the private sphere (the family unit). The uprising and the civil society space it opened up has allowed the issue of gender equality to be raised and promoted; however, this concept has also been strongly contested given the rise of “uncivil” actors. While some women have assumed a more active role in the public sphere, others have had to deal with warlords who use women’s bodies as war tools and seek to limit their agency and voice by claiming this as “Awra” (a source of shame). This is not just the case of extremist groups that have caused a great leap backwards for gender equality in Syria. Gender inequality continues to be enforced by negative stereotyping of women and by a lack of women’s input. This is true within even the most progressive groups, let alone those considered to be “moderate”.
Accordingly, it is important to investigate and challenge the discourse on women in Syria.The media can be a powerful tool for affecting discourse and bringing about change, especially vis-à-vis women.
• يعالج هذا التقرير قضايا النوع الاجتماعي "الجندر" في وسائل الإعلام الناشئة في سوريا. يثير عدم ال... more • يعالج هذا التقرير قضايا النوع الاجتماعي "الجندر" في وسائل الإعلام الناشئة في سوريا. يثير عدم المساواة تجاه النساء القلق، حيث يحفّز الخطاب المهيمن والممارسة الاجتماعية مزيداً من عدم المساواة. ويغطي التقرير السنوات بين 2011 و2015، ويعالج جانبين من وسائل الإعلام الناشئة: النساء العاملات والخطاب بخصوص المرأة، ويركز على وسائل الإعلام المطبوع بشكل أساسي (المجلات والجرائد)، وعلى الإذاعات بشكل أقل. كما يعتمد التقرير على نهج من الأساليب المختلطة الكمية والنوعية. وتم استخدام أدوات بحث متنوعة وهي تحليل محتوى 136 نصاً من 24 وسيلة إعلامية مختارة من خلال عينة عشوائية طبقية، 36 استبيان منظم عبر الانترنت، 8 مقابلات شخصية، ومجموعتا نقاش مركز.
Talks by Rana Khalaf, PhD
Post-conflict knowledge and practice regarding effective governance reconstitution is still in it... more Post-conflict knowledge and practice regarding effective governance reconstitution is still in its infancy; during conflict, it is even more minimal. In conflict-torn states, it is still debatable that state building has become synonymous to re-establishing governance -thus peace; and that civil society has become a protagonist in this process. More consensus, nevertheless, has been reached in literature regarding the yet limited capability to deal with conflict. One of the most alarming conflicts in modern history that requires such improved academic understanding during conflict itself is the Syrian case. Syria’s conflict presents complex governance dynamics and state building interests. Syria is witnessing the rise of both civil societies and extremist groups in the midst of civil wars, proxy wars and popular uprisings against authoritarianism.
This article aims to provide an insight into the yet misunderstood dynamics of governance during conflict, as it focuses on the non-government-controlled parts of Syria. The article pays particular attention to the agency of civil society vis-à-vis other local and international state building interests. It bases its analysis on a theoretical framework centred on the notion of “hybridity”. In two different sections, the article analyses the extent to which governance is a hybrid of, first, old and new governance imbalances and, second, of local and international forces. Governance imbalance is seen in light of the state-market-civil society developmental model. Meanwhile, the governance of local and international forces during conflict is measured following three dimensions: effectiveness, legitimacy and security. A third section is then dedicated to case studies of three non-government-controlled-areas in Syria: Al-Raqqa, Dair Ezzor and Aleppo. With a historical and contextual snapshot of the changing dynamics during conflict in these areas, this section studies the agency of civil society versus other more powerful governance actors on the ground. The cases are supported by data from an intensive qualitative and quantitative field research of over 6 months expanding until May 2014.
The research findings suggest that while the different factors, forces and interests in the Syrian conflict coexist and cooperate, both the old and the new, the grass-roots and the top-down, the civil and the uncivil governance become hybridised. The result, nonetheless, continues to derive unbalanced governance between the key actors in the state, civil society and market spheres. This necessitates a more holistic historical and contextual understanding of the continuously changing nature of governance during conflict. It requires better insight into the relationships and dynamics between the actors at the local and international levels. It also implies the need for better cooperation with local civil societies following an approach tailored more closely to their rights, motives, nature, needs and governance realities on the ground.
Books by Rana Khalaf, PhD
This guidebook is part of a UN-ESCWA (United Nations Economic & Social Commission for Western Asi... more This guidebook is part of a UN-ESCWA (United Nations Economic & Social Commission for Western Asia) toolkit on National Youth Policy within the framework of the World Programme of Action for Youth. It was developed upon the request of ESCWA member countries and with the participation of their representatives.
The toolkit includes a number of tools that aim at enabling policy makers to develop national policies and programmes of action for youth in Arab countries. This guidebook presents 45 case studies, and highlight examples from several countries’ national youth policies dealing with select youth-related issues.
The guidebook is originally authored in english but has only been published in Arab for ESCWA member states and policy makers. Its english version is under review. Further information is available at http://www.escwa.un.org/divisions/otherdetails.asp?id=1637
Expert Comments / short articles by Rana Khalaf, PhD
Papers by Rana Khalaf, PhD
Syria Studies, Aug 25, 2021
Actors and Dynamics in the Syrian Conflict's Middle Phase, 2022
The empowerment of civil society is an essential step in establishing and consolidating democrati... more The empowerment of civil society is an essential step in establishing and consolidating democratic structures. In order to do so, it is crucial to understand the forces and dynamics that are shaping Syria’s civil society today. This not only provides a more nuanced picture than that often conveyed by the media but also supports Syrian civil society groups in overcoming their difficulties and making better use of the opportunities available to them. At the same time, it could inspire the international community to review its support for Syrian civil society to make it more relevant to the realities and needs on the ground. Based on in-depth interviews with 94 civil society groups in the areas out of government control in Northern Syria, this study aims to help empower Syrian civil society by making it better understood.
This article aims to break new ground in academia by bridging the existing knowledge and practice... more This article aims to break new ground in academia by bridging the existing knowledge and practice gap on governance during conflict. It seeks to understand the governance dynamics during conflict in the non-government-controlled parts of Syria. It pays particular attention to civil society and state building processes. In doing so, the study spans historical and geographical width. Historically, to understand the roots of the conflict, it assesses the state-civil society-market dynamics of governance in Syria prioir to 2011. Nevertheless, its focus is on contemporary Syria between March, 2011 and May, 2014. Geographically, its particular attention and in-depth analysis is on three areas in the non-government-controlled parts: Al-Raqqa (the city), Deir Ez-zor (Al-Mayadeen and the city) and Aleppo (the city).
Policy & Advocacy: Syria by Rana Khalaf, PhD
How has the Syrian war impacted the country’s ethnic, religious and tribal communities and their ... more How has the Syrian war impacted the country’s ethnic, religious and tribal communities and their efforts towards peace formation?
This report answers this question based on five critical case studies while highlighting constraints and opportunities towards localised solutions for peace formation in support of viable policy recommendations.
This report questions how the conflict in Syria since 2011 has impacted the country’s ethnic, religious and tribal communities. It highlights the complex, intersecting and dynamic nature of communal identity as it also explores the constraints and opportunities towards localised solutions for peace formation in support of viable policy recommendations. Using a critical case-study approach, the report focuses on five timely and revelatory cases:
Case 1 - Unpacking recent escalations in Deir Ezzor governorate: Arab tribal dynamics and the Kurdish-led Self-Administration (SA)
Case 2 - Demystifying the late (2023) uprising of Sweida’s Druze community
Case 3 - Syrian Christians’ Criss-crossing Sectarianisation and Counter-Sectarianisation
Case 4 - Unpacking the layers of displacement to and from Afrin, Northwest Syria - communal implications of Housing, Land and Property (HLP) issues
Case 5 - Bringing in the “forgotten sect”: Idlib’s Sunnis and its politically-contested education under Haya’t Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), regional and international governance
The research stresses a specific local agency: peace formation. This refers to efforts and processes aimed at forming peace and resolving conflicts from below by mobilising indigenous local and grassroots actors in cultural, social, religious, customary and local governance settings. The cases under review reflect this agency in tribal Sunni Arab leaders’ promotion of non-violence and just solutions to conflict in Deir Ezzor; Druze community members' mobilisation to advance Sweida’s communal cohesion; Christian groups countering of sectarianisation; local Kurds and Arab IDPs' informal promotion of fairer HLP arrangements in Afrin; and Arab Sunni teachers backing of a non-ideologised educational system in Idlib.
Considering the country’s relatively frozen conflict, the report recommends localised interventions in addition to the application of international pressure on the conflict parties to foster peace formation as the most viable option for policymakers. Such interventions should span sustainable political, technical, and financial support to peace formation agents. A reflexive, intersectional, and contextual understanding is necessary to design such support.
Uploads
Papers/reports - Peer Reviewed by Rana Khalaf, PhD
This article aims to provide an insight into the yet misunderstood dynamics of governance during conflict, as it focuses on the non-government-controlled parts of Syria. The article pays particular attention to the agency of civil society vis-à-vis other local and international state building interests. It bases its analysis on a theoretical framework centred on the notion of “hybridity”. In two different sections, the article analyses the extent to which governance is a hybrid of, first, old and new governance imbalances and, second, of local and international forces. Governance imbalance is seen in light of the state-market-civil society developmental model. Meanwhile, the governance of local and international forces during conflict is measured following three dimensions: effectiveness, legitimacy and security. A third section is then dedicated to case studies of three non-government-controlled-areas in Syria: Al-Raqqa, Dair Ezzor and Aleppo. With a historical and contextual snapshot of the changing dynamics during conflict in these areas, this section studies the agency of civil society versus other more powerful governance actors on the ground. The cases are supported by data from an intensive qualitative and quantitative field research of over 6 months expanding until May 2014.
The research findings suggest that while the different factors, forces and interests in the Syrian conflict coexist and cooperate, both the old and the new, the grass-roots and the top-down, the civil and the uncivil governance become hybridised. The result, nonetheless, continues to derive unbalanced governance between the key actors in the state, civil society and market spheres. This necessitates a more holistic historical and contextual understanding of the continuously changing nature of governance during conflict. It requires better insight into the relationships and dynamics between the actors at the local and international levels. It also implies the need for better cooperation with local civil societies following an approach tailored more closely to their rights, motives, nature, needs and governance realities on the ground.
See more at: https://www.chathamhouse.org/publication/governing-rojava-layers-legitimacy-syria#sthash.fSq6XhrM.dpuf
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface
Executive Summary
1. Introduction: The Awakening of Syrian Civil Society
1.1 Syrian Civil Society in the Twentieth Century
1.2 The 'Damascus Spring'
1.3 Governmental Non-Governmental Organizations
1.4 A New Civil Society
2. Research Scope and Methodology
2.1 Research Scope
2.2 Research Techniques
2.3 Strengths and Limitations
3. Characteristics of Local Civil Society Groups
3.1 Civil Society on the Ground
3.1.1 Geographical spread
3.1.2 Emergence of civil society groups by region
3.2 Demographic Characteristics
3.2.1 Group size
3.2.2 Gender structure
3.2.3 Age structure
3.2.4 Educational attainment levels
4. Identities and Dynamics of Local Civil Society Groups
4.1 Choice of Name
4.2 Ideological Orientation
4.2.1 Interest in engaging in political activism
4.2.2 Economic vision
4.2.3 Religious orientation
4.2.4 Democratic and citizenship values
4.3 Dynamics
4.3.1 Funding resources
4.3.2 Roles and relationships on the ground
4.3.3 Relationships with other stakeholders
5. Local Civil Society Groups: Challenges, Opportunities and Needs
5.1 Challenges
5.2 Opportunities
5.3 Needs
6. Conclusion
7. Recommendations
7.1 Recommendations for Local Civil Society Groups
7.2 Recommendations for the International Community
This article highlights the governance mechanisms of ISIS at the local level in Syria. Particular attention is paid to the dynamics between ISIS and local civil society in Al-Raqqa and Dair Ezzor. Al-Raqqa is the base of ISIS in Syria while Dair Ezzor is one of its most contested areas. It is noted that while the Syrian regime and international interests have prompted its support system there, ISIS seems to have furthered its governance through three major factors: effectiveness, security and legitimacy. These have helped it govern beyond what its coercion, ideology and unsustainable resources would have permitted. Meanwhile, local civil society governance systems remain weak, fragmented and much challenged in Syria. As a result, it is foreseen that unless another alternative is created, there will remain low incentives for the locals to risk non-compliance or resistance to ISIS. Thus, the success of any anti-ISIS plan is doomed to fail should it not tackle local governance dynamics.
The ESM under review is primarily print media (magazines and newspapers), and radio to a lesser extent. The report incorporated both qualitative and quantitative analysis in a mixed methods approach. The research tools used were: a content analysis of 136 texts from 24 media outlets selected through a stratified random sample, 36 structured online questionnaires, eight face-to-face interviews and two focus groups.
As the research takes cognizance of the Syrian socio-cultural background and the current context of conflict, it is carried out by Syrian researchers and professionals and uses a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of the media as its framework. CDA is a recent school of discourse analysis that is context specific, and which concerns itself with relations of power and inequality in language. This is intended to feed into possibilities for ESM and their donor organizations to work towards gender equality in Syria.
Importance of the research
Why work towards gender equality in a complex context such as Syria? Does gender equality matter at the moment amidst all the bloodshed, violence, conflict and revolt against the author-itarianism of all warring sides in Syria? The simple answer is yes.
Peace, justice and liberation cannot exist without challenging existing power structures, or without the participation of all concerned sides. The imbalance in the gender power structure in Syria is critical.
Before the uprising, gender inequality was embedded in government policies in the public sphere, as well as in local perceptions and the practices of religion, norms and traditions with in the private sphere (the family unit). The uprising and the civil society space it opened up has allowed the issue of gender equality to be raised and promoted; however, this concept has also been strongly contested given the rise of “uncivil” actors. While some women have assumed a more active role in the public sphere, others have had to deal with warlords who use women’s bodies as war tools and seek to limit their agency and voice by claiming this as “Awra” (a source of shame). This is not just the case of extremist groups that have caused a great leap backwards for gender equality in Syria. Gender inequality continues to be enforced by negative stereotyping of women and by a lack of women’s input. This is true within even the most progressive groups, let alone those considered to be “moderate”.
Accordingly, it is important to investigate and challenge the discourse on women in Syria.The media can be a powerful tool for affecting discourse and bringing about change, especially vis-à-vis women.
Talks by Rana Khalaf, PhD
This article aims to provide an insight into the yet misunderstood dynamics of governance during conflict, as it focuses on the non-government-controlled parts of Syria. The article pays particular attention to the agency of civil society vis-à-vis other local and international state building interests. It bases its analysis on a theoretical framework centred on the notion of “hybridity”. In two different sections, the article analyses the extent to which governance is a hybrid of, first, old and new governance imbalances and, second, of local and international forces. Governance imbalance is seen in light of the state-market-civil society developmental model. Meanwhile, the governance of local and international forces during conflict is measured following three dimensions: effectiveness, legitimacy and security. A third section is then dedicated to case studies of three non-government-controlled-areas in Syria: Al-Raqqa, Dair Ezzor and Aleppo. With a historical and contextual snapshot of the changing dynamics during conflict in these areas, this section studies the agency of civil society versus other more powerful governance actors on the ground. The cases are supported by data from an intensive qualitative and quantitative field research of over 6 months expanding until May 2014.
The research findings suggest that while the different factors, forces and interests in the Syrian conflict coexist and cooperate, both the old and the new, the grass-roots and the top-down, the civil and the uncivil governance become hybridised. The result, nonetheless, continues to derive unbalanced governance between the key actors in the state, civil society and market spheres. This necessitates a more holistic historical and contextual understanding of the continuously changing nature of governance during conflict. It requires better insight into the relationships and dynamics between the actors at the local and international levels. It also implies the need for better cooperation with local civil societies following an approach tailored more closely to their rights, motives, nature, needs and governance realities on the ground.
Books by Rana Khalaf, PhD
The toolkit includes a number of tools that aim at enabling policy makers to develop national policies and programmes of action for youth in Arab countries. This guidebook presents 45 case studies, and highlight examples from several countries’ national youth policies dealing with select youth-related issues.
The guidebook is originally authored in english but has only been published in Arab for ESCWA member states and policy makers. Its english version is under review. Further information is available at http://www.escwa.un.org/divisions/otherdetails.asp?id=1637
Expert Comments / short articles by Rana Khalaf, PhD
Papers by Rana Khalaf, PhD
Policy & Advocacy: Syria by Rana Khalaf, PhD
This report answers this question based on five critical case studies while highlighting constraints and opportunities towards localised solutions for peace formation in support of viable policy recommendations.
This report questions how the conflict in Syria since 2011 has impacted the country’s ethnic, religious and tribal communities. It highlights the complex, intersecting and dynamic nature of communal identity as it also explores the constraints and opportunities towards localised solutions for peace formation in support of viable policy recommendations. Using a critical case-study approach, the report focuses on five timely and revelatory cases:
Case 1 - Unpacking recent escalations in Deir Ezzor governorate: Arab tribal dynamics and the Kurdish-led Self-Administration (SA)
Case 2 - Demystifying the late (2023) uprising of Sweida’s Druze community
Case 3 - Syrian Christians’ Criss-crossing Sectarianisation and Counter-Sectarianisation
Case 4 - Unpacking the layers of displacement to and from Afrin, Northwest Syria - communal implications of Housing, Land and Property (HLP) issues
Case 5 - Bringing in the “forgotten sect”: Idlib’s Sunnis and its politically-contested education under Haya’t Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), regional and international governance
The research stresses a specific local agency: peace formation. This refers to efforts and processes aimed at forming peace and resolving conflicts from below by mobilising indigenous local and grassroots actors in cultural, social, religious, customary and local governance settings. The cases under review reflect this agency in tribal Sunni Arab leaders’ promotion of non-violence and just solutions to conflict in Deir Ezzor; Druze community members' mobilisation to advance Sweida’s communal cohesion; Christian groups countering of sectarianisation; local Kurds and Arab IDPs' informal promotion of fairer HLP arrangements in Afrin; and Arab Sunni teachers backing of a non-ideologised educational system in Idlib.
Considering the country’s relatively frozen conflict, the report recommends localised interventions in addition to the application of international pressure on the conflict parties to foster peace formation as the most viable option for policymakers. Such interventions should span sustainable political, technical, and financial support to peace formation agents. A reflexive, intersectional, and contextual understanding is necessary to design such support.
This article aims to provide an insight into the yet misunderstood dynamics of governance during conflict, as it focuses on the non-government-controlled parts of Syria. The article pays particular attention to the agency of civil society vis-à-vis other local and international state building interests. It bases its analysis on a theoretical framework centred on the notion of “hybridity”. In two different sections, the article analyses the extent to which governance is a hybrid of, first, old and new governance imbalances and, second, of local and international forces. Governance imbalance is seen in light of the state-market-civil society developmental model. Meanwhile, the governance of local and international forces during conflict is measured following three dimensions: effectiveness, legitimacy and security. A third section is then dedicated to case studies of three non-government-controlled-areas in Syria: Al-Raqqa, Dair Ezzor and Aleppo. With a historical and contextual snapshot of the changing dynamics during conflict in these areas, this section studies the agency of civil society versus other more powerful governance actors on the ground. The cases are supported by data from an intensive qualitative and quantitative field research of over 6 months expanding until May 2014.
The research findings suggest that while the different factors, forces and interests in the Syrian conflict coexist and cooperate, both the old and the new, the grass-roots and the top-down, the civil and the uncivil governance become hybridised. The result, nonetheless, continues to derive unbalanced governance between the key actors in the state, civil society and market spheres. This necessitates a more holistic historical and contextual understanding of the continuously changing nature of governance during conflict. It requires better insight into the relationships and dynamics between the actors at the local and international levels. It also implies the need for better cooperation with local civil societies following an approach tailored more closely to their rights, motives, nature, needs and governance realities on the ground.
See more at: https://www.chathamhouse.org/publication/governing-rojava-layers-legitimacy-syria#sthash.fSq6XhrM.dpuf
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface
Executive Summary
1. Introduction: The Awakening of Syrian Civil Society
1.1 Syrian Civil Society in the Twentieth Century
1.2 The 'Damascus Spring'
1.3 Governmental Non-Governmental Organizations
1.4 A New Civil Society
2. Research Scope and Methodology
2.1 Research Scope
2.2 Research Techniques
2.3 Strengths and Limitations
3. Characteristics of Local Civil Society Groups
3.1 Civil Society on the Ground
3.1.1 Geographical spread
3.1.2 Emergence of civil society groups by region
3.2 Demographic Characteristics
3.2.1 Group size
3.2.2 Gender structure
3.2.3 Age structure
3.2.4 Educational attainment levels
4. Identities and Dynamics of Local Civil Society Groups
4.1 Choice of Name
4.2 Ideological Orientation
4.2.1 Interest in engaging in political activism
4.2.2 Economic vision
4.2.3 Religious orientation
4.2.4 Democratic and citizenship values
4.3 Dynamics
4.3.1 Funding resources
4.3.2 Roles and relationships on the ground
4.3.3 Relationships with other stakeholders
5. Local Civil Society Groups: Challenges, Opportunities and Needs
5.1 Challenges
5.2 Opportunities
5.3 Needs
6. Conclusion
7. Recommendations
7.1 Recommendations for Local Civil Society Groups
7.2 Recommendations for the International Community
This article highlights the governance mechanisms of ISIS at the local level in Syria. Particular attention is paid to the dynamics between ISIS and local civil society in Al-Raqqa and Dair Ezzor. Al-Raqqa is the base of ISIS in Syria while Dair Ezzor is one of its most contested areas. It is noted that while the Syrian regime and international interests have prompted its support system there, ISIS seems to have furthered its governance through three major factors: effectiveness, security and legitimacy. These have helped it govern beyond what its coercion, ideology and unsustainable resources would have permitted. Meanwhile, local civil society governance systems remain weak, fragmented and much challenged in Syria. As a result, it is foreseen that unless another alternative is created, there will remain low incentives for the locals to risk non-compliance or resistance to ISIS. Thus, the success of any anti-ISIS plan is doomed to fail should it not tackle local governance dynamics.
The ESM under review is primarily print media (magazines and newspapers), and radio to a lesser extent. The report incorporated both qualitative and quantitative analysis in a mixed methods approach. The research tools used were: a content analysis of 136 texts from 24 media outlets selected through a stratified random sample, 36 structured online questionnaires, eight face-to-face interviews and two focus groups.
As the research takes cognizance of the Syrian socio-cultural background and the current context of conflict, it is carried out by Syrian researchers and professionals and uses a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of the media as its framework. CDA is a recent school of discourse analysis that is context specific, and which concerns itself with relations of power and inequality in language. This is intended to feed into possibilities for ESM and their donor organizations to work towards gender equality in Syria.
Importance of the research
Why work towards gender equality in a complex context such as Syria? Does gender equality matter at the moment amidst all the bloodshed, violence, conflict and revolt against the author-itarianism of all warring sides in Syria? The simple answer is yes.
Peace, justice and liberation cannot exist without challenging existing power structures, or without the participation of all concerned sides. The imbalance in the gender power structure in Syria is critical.
Before the uprising, gender inequality was embedded in government policies in the public sphere, as well as in local perceptions and the practices of religion, norms and traditions with in the private sphere (the family unit). The uprising and the civil society space it opened up has allowed the issue of gender equality to be raised and promoted; however, this concept has also been strongly contested given the rise of “uncivil” actors. While some women have assumed a more active role in the public sphere, others have had to deal with warlords who use women’s bodies as war tools and seek to limit their agency and voice by claiming this as “Awra” (a source of shame). This is not just the case of extremist groups that have caused a great leap backwards for gender equality in Syria. Gender inequality continues to be enforced by negative stereotyping of women and by a lack of women’s input. This is true within even the most progressive groups, let alone those considered to be “moderate”.
Accordingly, it is important to investigate and challenge the discourse on women in Syria.The media can be a powerful tool for affecting discourse and bringing about change, especially vis-à-vis women.
This article aims to provide an insight into the yet misunderstood dynamics of governance during conflict, as it focuses on the non-government-controlled parts of Syria. The article pays particular attention to the agency of civil society vis-à-vis other local and international state building interests. It bases its analysis on a theoretical framework centred on the notion of “hybridity”. In two different sections, the article analyses the extent to which governance is a hybrid of, first, old and new governance imbalances and, second, of local and international forces. Governance imbalance is seen in light of the state-market-civil society developmental model. Meanwhile, the governance of local and international forces during conflict is measured following three dimensions: effectiveness, legitimacy and security. A third section is then dedicated to case studies of three non-government-controlled-areas in Syria: Al-Raqqa, Dair Ezzor and Aleppo. With a historical and contextual snapshot of the changing dynamics during conflict in these areas, this section studies the agency of civil society versus other more powerful governance actors on the ground. The cases are supported by data from an intensive qualitative and quantitative field research of over 6 months expanding until May 2014.
The research findings suggest that while the different factors, forces and interests in the Syrian conflict coexist and cooperate, both the old and the new, the grass-roots and the top-down, the civil and the uncivil governance become hybridised. The result, nonetheless, continues to derive unbalanced governance between the key actors in the state, civil society and market spheres. This necessitates a more holistic historical and contextual understanding of the continuously changing nature of governance during conflict. It requires better insight into the relationships and dynamics between the actors at the local and international levels. It also implies the need for better cooperation with local civil societies following an approach tailored more closely to their rights, motives, nature, needs and governance realities on the ground.
The toolkit includes a number of tools that aim at enabling policy makers to develop national policies and programmes of action for youth in Arab countries. This guidebook presents 45 case studies, and highlight examples from several countries’ national youth policies dealing with select youth-related issues.
The guidebook is originally authored in english but has only been published in Arab for ESCWA member states and policy makers. Its english version is under review. Further information is available at http://www.escwa.un.org/divisions/otherdetails.asp?id=1637
This report answers this question based on five critical case studies while highlighting constraints and opportunities towards localised solutions for peace formation in support of viable policy recommendations.
This report questions how the conflict in Syria since 2011 has impacted the country’s ethnic, religious and tribal communities. It highlights the complex, intersecting and dynamic nature of communal identity as it also explores the constraints and opportunities towards localised solutions for peace formation in support of viable policy recommendations. Using a critical case-study approach, the report focuses on five timely and revelatory cases:
Case 1 - Unpacking recent escalations in Deir Ezzor governorate: Arab tribal dynamics and the Kurdish-led Self-Administration (SA)
Case 2 - Demystifying the late (2023) uprising of Sweida’s Druze community
Case 3 - Syrian Christians’ Criss-crossing Sectarianisation and Counter-Sectarianisation
Case 4 - Unpacking the layers of displacement to and from Afrin, Northwest Syria - communal implications of Housing, Land and Property (HLP) issues
Case 5 - Bringing in the “forgotten sect”: Idlib’s Sunnis and its politically-contested education under Haya’t Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), regional and international governance
The research stresses a specific local agency: peace formation. This refers to efforts and processes aimed at forming peace and resolving conflicts from below by mobilising indigenous local and grassroots actors in cultural, social, religious, customary and local governance settings. The cases under review reflect this agency in tribal Sunni Arab leaders’ promotion of non-violence and just solutions to conflict in Deir Ezzor; Druze community members' mobilisation to advance Sweida’s communal cohesion; Christian groups countering of sectarianisation; local Kurds and Arab IDPs' informal promotion of fairer HLP arrangements in Afrin; and Arab Sunni teachers backing of a non-ideologised educational system in Idlib.
Considering the country’s relatively frozen conflict, the report recommends localised interventions in addition to the application of international pressure on the conflict parties to foster peace formation as the most viable option for policymakers. Such interventions should span sustainable political, technical, and financial support to peace formation agents. A reflexive, intersectional, and contextual understanding is necessary to design such support.