Papers by Wendy Lambourne
A Cultural History of Genocide in the Modern World
The cry of “never again” reverberated around the world in the aftermath of the Holocaust. Yet des... more The cry of “never again” reverberated around the world in the aftermath of the Holocaust. Yet despite the unprecedented horrors of the Shoah, and the subsequent creation of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the frequency of genocide intensifed in the post-Holocaust period. Since 1945 there have been genocides or mass killings in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), East Timor, Indonesia, Guatemala, Cambodia, Rwanda, Bosnia, Darfur, Iraq, and elsewhere. This volume examines the cultural history of genocide in the modern world. It focuses on the period from the end of the Second World War to the present day. The volume examines not only the many genocides that have occurred during this period, but the beliefs and actions that led to them, the local and international responses, and the changing way in which genocide has been understood. It chronicles key developments, including the creation of international legal and political mechanisms to address ge...
Critical Perspectives in Transitional Justice, 2012
International Criminal Law in Context, 2017
Transitional Justice Theories, 2013
The Palgrave Handbook of Ethnicity, 2019
Identity and ethnicity have played a significant and contested role in the history of Rwanda, the... more Identity and ethnicity have played a significant and contested role in the history of Rwanda, the genocide of 1994 and its aftermath. This chapter traces the origins of ethnicity as the most salient identity marker for Rwandans since colonization and independence. Starting with an overview of precolonial relations between the three identity groups provides a backdrop for understanding how ethnic identity was constructed by the colonial powers, reinforced by the postindependence governments and became a driver for violent conflict and ultimately genocide. Continuing this tradition of mythmaking and manipulation of identity for social and political purposes, the government of Rwanda post-genocide has sought to replace ethnic identity with a superordinate Rwandan national identity in order to maintain stability and promote unity and reconciliation. The chapter concludes by examining the contemporary challenges and implications of this approach to identity transformation for peace in Rwanda. Central to the analysis is the
Knowledge for Peace, 2021
Burundi has experienced cycles of political and genocidal violence for the past 40 years. Under t... more Burundi has experienced cycles of political and genocidal violence for the past 40 years. Under the terms of the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement of 2000, the government was expected to establish a Truth and Reconciliation Commission followed by a Special Tribunal. The United Nations, meanwhile, has supported the creation of a forum of local community facilitators (‘FONAREC’) who are being trained to educate and inform local communities about the four pillars of transitional justice and the importance of popular participation in the TRC process. But what are these four pillars and who has defined them? This paper surveys some of the different theoretical frameworks and pillars of transitional justice proposed by scholars and practitioners. It questions the appropriateness of the UN framework of transitional justice being imposed in Burundi, with its limited perspective on accountability as prosecutions, and its failure to include reconciliation as a fundamental component. T...
Why is it so hard to talk about peace in Sri Lanka? Finding answers to this question is the focus... more Why is it so hard to talk about peace in Sri Lanka? Finding answers to this question is the focus of this address by Gilberto Algar-Faria, a British ex-commando turned PhD Candidate at the University of Bristol and Visiting Scholar at the University of Sydney. He admits he had little knowledge of the complexity of the issue when he began his post graduate study. What he knew was that the country was ‘post conflict’. But what did that mean? That the island was at peace? If so, how do you define peace? Algar-Faria refers to academic peace researchers, such as Johan Galtung, whose analysis defines positive and negative peace. Using these studies, Algar-Faria makes a careful assessment of Sri Lanka, a country that had fought a very violent civil war for nearly 30 years. This address was filmed at the University of Sydney.
Advocating Transitional Justice in Africa, 2018
Burundi has experienced cycles of political and interethnic violence for over 40 years since gain... more Burundi has experienced cycles of political and interethnic violence for over 40 years since gaining independence from Belgium in 1962. The 2000 Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement called for the establishment of transitional justice mechanisms including a truth and reconciliation commission and a tribunal for prosecuting past mass human rights violations. This chapter analyses the evolution of civil society organisations in Burundi and their role in the pursuit of transitional justice. Drawing on field research conducted in Burundi during 2012–2016, the analysis reveals tensions between diverse agendas and priorities, as well as overlap and mutual support. It considers examples of cooperation and contestation, empowerment and resistance, among civil society actors as they seek to influence transitional justice processes and outcomes. The chapter concludes by looking at how the political and security crisis that began in April 2015 led to new divisions between civil society leaders in exile and those remaining in Burundi, who support the Truth and Reconciliation Commission that finally commenced operations in March 2016.
Resilience, Adaptive Peacebuilding and Transitional Justice, 2021
This chapter reflects on the implications of resilience thinking for transitional justice as a tr... more This chapter reflects on the implications of resilience thinking for transitional justice as a transformative process that contributes to adaptive peacebuilding. Recognising that resilience is highly relevant to a number of core transitional justice goals, including the re-establishment of the rule of law, peace and reconciliation, it discusses how the concept creates a space for new thinking about transitional justice. In so doing, it explores the extent to which transitional justice processes affect and engage with multiple interacting systems in ways that can foster resilience and adaptive capacity across these systems and the relationships that underpin them. The chapter examines how each of the primary state-based mechanisms of transitional justice-namely, criminal trials, truth commissions and reparations-might contribute to systemic societal resilience, notwithstanding their limitations, and discusses their potential for healing divisions and building relationships to support resilient social structures. It also considers how more community-driven facilitated justice processes, including traditional customary practices and psychosocial programmes, can expand the basis for building resilient communities and systems. As part of this analysis, the chapter provides a critical appraisal of the overall approach to transitional justice that has dominated the field, considering transformative justice as an alternative perspective that challenges a politicolegal, state-based, backward-looking retributive framework. It argues that resilience thinking supports a greater focus on psychosocial, communitybased, forward-looking restorative approaches to transitional justice, consistent with the transformative turn in the field (Gready and Robins, 2014; Lambourne, 2014a). This is demonstrated by exploring different understandings of justice, how they are pursued in the context of transitional justice and what they mean for building resilient societies after mass violence and human rights violations. The chapter concludes by reflecting on the potential for
Political Science, 2016
Crown, Māori and Pākehā. The Treaty, and Pākehā, are a part of Tangata Whenua, but only in the co... more Crown, Māori and Pākehā. The Treaty, and Pākehā, are a part of Tangata Whenua, but only in the context of a long, complex, and fascinating Māori history. For much of New Zealand, the Treaty defines Māori. In this book, Māori define themselves and the rest of New Zealand is shown, in glorious detail, what it means to be tangata whenua in these lands, yesterday, today, and into the future. I would also like to briefly recognise the book’s publisher, Bridget Williams Books, and here I have to declare a certain bias as someone who has worked with Bridget Williams in the past. But this book, more than any other, demonstrates the commitment Bridget Williams Books makes as a New Zealand publisher to bring New Zealand history and people into our lives and our homes through books. A project of this scope, detail and outstanding production is a major achievement for all involved. In an increasingly difficult market, it is inspiring to see a book like this published, to be enjoyed by us all today, and valued by generations to come.
The Development of Institutions of Human Rights, 2010
East Timor has emerged as one of the world’s newest nations after a turbulent history comprising ... more East Timor has emerged as one of the world’s newest nations after a turbulent history comprising 450 years of Portuguese rule followed by civil war, invasion, and twenty-five years of Indonesian occupation characterized by human rights abuses, massacres, and violence. The United Nations (UN) and international non-government organisations (NGOs) have supported significant peace-building efforts, including attention to both justice and reconciliation strategies to promote healing and rebuilding of relationships within communities divided by violence, as well as the establishment of political, economic, and security structures and institutions. The animosities between the different Timorese political factions stemming from the violence in 1974 have continued to affect relationships in the newly independent East Timor. The relationship between East Timor and Indonesia is critical, as the relationship has not only defined the competing ideologies of the different political parties, which emerged following the departure of the Portuguese in 1974, but has continued to divide the Timorese, especially following the post-referendum militia violence in 1999, which was driven by the desire of some groups seeking to maintain ties with Indonesia, albeit in a new system of government that would allow East Timor a measure of regional autonomy. As discussed in Chapter 11, an estimated 2,000 East Timorese were killed while 500,000 civilians were displaced (including 200,000 to 250,000 to West Timor), and hundreds of women were raped.
Human Rights Review, 2015
In this article, we examine the continuity of harms and traumas experienced by women before, duri... more In this article, we examine the continuity of harms and traumas experienced by women before, during and after war and other mass violence. We focus on women because of the particular challenges they face in accessing justice due to patriarchal structures and ongoing discrimination in the political, economic and social, as well as legal spheres, and because of the gendered nature of the crimes and harms they experience. We use the four key pillars of transitional justice identified by the United Nations as a framework to analyse how these harms are addressed in the context of criminal prosecutions, truth commissions, reparations and institutional reform. We conclude that a gender-transformative approach to transitional justice that focuses on transforming psychosocial, socioeconomic and political power relations in society is needed in order to attain human rights for women and build a sustainable peace.
The Challenge of Conflict: International Law Responds
Since the end of the Cold War we have seen an evolution in the approach taken by the internationa... more Since the end of the Cold War we have seen an evolution in the approach taken by the international community towards transitional justice in the aftermath of violent conflict in which international human rights and humanitarian law have been violated. Following the Second World War and the creation of the United Nations, the protection of human rights developed as a new focus of international law. However, the Nuremberg precedent of accountability was held hostage to the Cold War for almost 50 years. It was only after the ideological rivalries and concerns of the Cold War were removed that effective enforcement of international humanitarian law in the form of prosecutions returned to the agenda. In the aftermath of mass violence and genocide in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, the UN Security Council in 1993 and 1994 respectively, established international criminal tribunals with a Chapter VII mandate-to counter ongoing threats to international peace and security as well as to promote justice and reconciliation. Following the post-referendum violence in East Timor in 1999, the UN's peacebuilding mandate included a Serious Crimes Unit to investigate the atrocities and prosecute those responsible. In Sierra Leone, the UN instituted a Special Court to try those who committed violations of international humanitarian law and domestic law during the latter stages of the civil war and in the aftermath of the 1999 Lomé Peace Agreement. Following five years of negotiations, the UN General Assembly approved a draft agreement between the UN and the Cambodian government in May 2003 for prosecution under Cambodian law of crimes committed by the former Khmer Rouge nearly 30 years ago. The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court came into force in 2002 and the first investigations are being planned in relation to atrocities committed by the Lord's Resistance Army in Uganda and the massacres in the Ituri region of the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. 1 The Special Court, established jointly by the UN and government of Sierra Leone, issued its first indictments for crimes against humanity in March 2003.
Genocide Studies and Prevention, 2014
After nearly 40 years, some of the key leaders of the former Khmer Rouge genocidal regime are fac... more After nearly 40 years, some of the key leaders of the former Khmer Rouge genocidal regime are facing trial at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC). This paper explores the challenges and opportunities facing the ECCC in its pursuit of justice and accountability for the atrocities committed by the Khmer Rouge against the Cambodian people. It concludes that, despite the political controversies and resource constraints affecting the court in fulfilling its mandate to end impunity, victims and survivors of the Pol Pot era may still benefit psychologically from the longoverdue official acknowledgement of their suffering and the opportunity for younger generations to learn the truth of what happened. Some justice could indeed be better than none in the quest for healing and reconciliation at the individual and community level. This process may be undermined, however, if the prevailing culture of "small impunities" and the need for political and socioeconomic justice, along with psychosocial support, are not addressed.
Journal of Peace, Conflict and Development, 2003
Peace agreements … do not in themselves end wars or bring about lasting peace. In most cases, pre... more Peace agreements … do not in themselves end wars or bring about lasting peace. In most cases, prewar continuities and the war mentality jeopardize the prospects of a consolidated peace and postwar reconciliation. 1 The ending of overt violence via a peace agreement or military victory does not mean the achievement of peace. 2 Rather, the ending of violence or a so-called 'post-conflict' situation provides "a new set of opportunities that can be grasped or thrown away". 3 The international community can play a significant role in either nurturing or undermining this fragile peacebuilding process. The United Nations, individual states and international nongovernment organizations (INGOs), have become increasingly involved in trying to rebuild peaceful societies in the aftermath of violent conflict. The dilemmas currently being faced in Iraq are only the latest in a line of learning experiences in this complex task of post-conflict peacebuilding. In Namibia and Cambodia, for the first time, the UN launched expanded peacekeeping operations which included not only military security but the coordination of elections. In East Timor, the UN mandate broadened even further to include the establishment of a functioning government and society through comprehensive development, law and order, security and governance objectives. In both Afghanistan and Iraq, extensive reconstruction activities have also been pursued, including an emphasis on establishing security, democracy and good governance. In this paper I argue that both justice and reconciliation are fundamentally significant goals that need to be addressed in the design of successful post-conflict peacebuilding processes and mechanisms, especially in the aftermath of genocide. This argument is based on Burton's human needs theory of conflict resolution, Lederach's theories on conflict transformation, and Volkan and Montville's theories of the need to overcome enmities through acknowledgement of chosen traumas and developing shared histories and empathy with the other. 4 These
Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, 2008
The Sierra Leone civil war that ended in January 2002 was particularly brutal and left the countr... more The Sierra Leone civil war that ended in January 2002 was particularly brutal and left the country economically devastated. Four-and-a-half years later, Sierra Leone was selected as one of two countries to receive focussed attention from the newly created United Nations Peacebuilding Commission (PBC). The PBC is mandated to support post-conflict recovery and sustainable development with the participation of all relevant stakeholders, including civil society. Drawing on field research and theories of sustainable peacebuilding and the role of civil society, this paper assesses the PBC's performance in Sierra Leone in its first year of operation. The article concludes that the PBC needs to clarify its priorities in relation to civil society participation in order to fulfil its potential to assist governments in promoting sustainable peace and development.
Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, 2013
Post-conflict peacebuilding has been criticised as being too focused on macro-level economic deve... more Post-conflict peacebuilding has been criticised as being too focused on macro-level economic development and institutional reform at the expense of a more people-centred, service-oriented process that promotes the transformation in relationships and life conditions necessary to support a sustainable peace. This article suggests that the essence of peace and the capacity for development at the individual and community level are being lost in the dominant state-centric model of peacebuilding. It also suggests that psychosocial services that address the need for individual and community capacity-building should be seen as an integral part of social services where people are struggling to engage meaningfully in life after experiencing mass violence. Using Rwanda as a case study, it argues for a greater emphasis on psychosocial interventions as part of a more holistic and transformative approach to peacebuilding that promotes resilience, social cohesion and sustainable development.
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Papers by Wendy Lambourne