Papers by Daniele Fattibene
The extremely unequal distribution of food worldwide has generated a paradox: while almost a bill... more The extremely unequal distribution of food worldwide has generated a paradox: while almost a billion citizens do not have access to healthy food, a part of the global population can afford to buy food in excess and – more importantly – generate enormous food losses and waste (FLW), with high economic, environmental and social costs. The EU has been working to find a comprehensive solution to this problem, with the aim of changing the current paradigm that tolerates good food being allowed to rot away. This paper explores the opportunities deriving from the latest EU efforts against FLW and, in particular, the Circular Economy Package, which includes waste legislation that is in line with UN goals on sustainable development. Several gaps have yet to be filled, but the mix of ambitious European and domestic laws, virtuous practices on the part of private companies, and a radical change in consumers' habits are key to giving back to food the value it deserves.
Over the last decades, food security has come to the fore as a relevant issue both for scholars a... more Over the last decades, food security has come to the fore as a relevant issue both for scholars and for policy-makers. The so-called " Arab Spring " revealed the strong linkage between food security, political instability and migration. The European Union's food security policy has set up solid building blocks to deal with the challenge both in terms of development and of humanitarian policies. However, such an approach has proved to be too sectoral, lacking a clear strategic framework where food is embedded into broader security dynamics. An EU food diplomacy under the aegis of the European External Action Service could help to integrate the two souls – development and humanitarian assistance – of the EU's food security policy, in line with the EU Global Strategy and the international commitments made on climate change and sustainable development.
Contributo per il rapporto IAI sulla Politica Estera Italiana
The security landscape in and around Europe since 2014 has experienced significant changes. As a ... more The security landscape in and around Europe since 2014 has experienced significant changes. As a result, in the 31 European countries considered by this study defence spending will grow by an estimated average of 8.3 per cent in 2016, compared to 2015. This represents a break with the structural trends experienced in previous years. Yet, increased defence budgets are no guarantee that the countries will spend their money better or with more intra-European cooperation than before 2015. The whole landscape of defence cooperation in Europe is particularly diversified and fragmented. The study analyses six trends which mark current cooperative patterns, for example in relation to bilateralism, regionalism, as well as the role of Germany and the United States. Finally, it discusses five driving factors, including Russia’s aggressive posture and non-conventional threats, which are likely to shape the European defence cooperation landscape in the short-medium term. - See more at: http://www.iai.it/en/pubblicazioni/defence-budgets-and-cooperation-europe#sthash.u5m0FHTO.dpuf
Russia’s “pivot to Asia” has come to the fore in the wake of the crisis over Ukraine. Growing ten... more Russia’s “pivot to Asia” has come to the fore in the wake of the crisis over Ukraine. Growing tensions with the West over the common neighbourhood, coupled with economic sanctions, have accelerated this trend, with China gaining in strength as both an economic and military partner to Moscow. The Kremlin’s propaganda has sought to convince the broader public that Russia’s strategies in Eastern Europe, Central Asia and the Arctic region are a complement to China’s new Silk Road Economic Belt. Nonetheless, behind the headlines huge potential problems jeopardise the emergence of a durable Sino-Russian consensus in Eurasia. Against this backdrop, the EU should opt for “strategic patience.” This would be a far more effective policy choice than finger pointing, which only deepens the mutual ideological clash between the EU and Russia.
A European Unemployment Insurance (EUI) for the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) would be a feas... more A European Unemployment Insurance (EUI) for the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) would be a feasible and effective tool to cushion the impact of asymmetric shocks. It would have had a deep stabilisation effect during the last recession, stimulating aggregate demand and reducing the pressure to cut fiscal stabilisers in a pro-cyclical way (the so called "race-to-the-bottom" effect). Fiscal, institutional, legal and statistical problems can be tackled, without reducing the generosity of the scheme. If implemented the EUI would finally give a "human face" to the EU integration process, with policies that have a far-reaching impact in the everyday lives of the EU's citizens.
When reading the Russian press one can deduct that patriotism has become a fundamental key for un... more When reading the Russian press one can deduct that patriotism has become a fundamental key for understanding the Russian Federation’s foreign policy. It is interesting to study the different analyses of this phenomenon, from the most conservative to those most critical of the regime. What does Russian patriotism consist of?
This article provides an overview on the way the war in Ukraine, the Minsk Agreements and the mur... more This article provides an overview on the way the war in Ukraine, the Minsk Agreements and the murder of Boris Nemtsov are described by Russian Media.
Many scholars tried to show that the enlargement process undermined EU capacity and political wil... more Many scholars tried to show that the enlargement process undermined EU capacity and political willingness to build its own “strategic culture”. New member States were too keen to recognize USA and NATO as the main guarantors of security in the Continent, while they constantly frustrated Old members attempts to build a stronger EU Common Foreign and Security Policy. The aim of this paper is to show that there have always been different types of “strategic cultures” in Europe and that new Members’ alleged “Atlanticism” was not just an “anti-European” stance. On the contrary, it was a complementary step towards the creation of a more independent EU security capacity. Moreover, the enlargement process showed that the main rift between Old and New Member States had to be found on the Eastern border, rather than on the Western one. Central and Eastern European Countries’ dynamism towards EU eastern neighbours showed the attempt by new Members to shape the European “strategic culture”, by protecting their strategic interests in the Eastern Neighbourhood. Although the European Neighbourhood Policy as well as the Eastern Partnership Initiative, became sources of misunderstandings within EU Institutions, they showed how willing new comers were to contribute to enhancing EU security. Both Transatlantic Trends and Eurobarometers highlight that even the most traditionally enduring “Atlanticists” are becoming “Europeanized”, by advocating an increased “communitarian” approach to strengthen EU CFSP/CSDP effectiveness. In this sense, looking at both Polish and Lithuanian cases will allow us to realize that, despite persistent scepticism, Central and Eastern European Countries cannot be considered anymore as “US Trojan Horses” in Europe. Therefore, only by including their projects and dynamic ideas in a reinvigorated debate over “European strategic culture”, this strategy will become common also in practice.
Books by Daniele Fattibene
I velivoli da combattimento italiani hanno svolto un ruolo importante e crescente nelle missioni ... more I velivoli da combattimento italiani hanno svolto un ruolo importante e crescente nelle missioni internazionali cui ha partecipato l'Italia nel periodo post-Guerra fredda, dalla prima guerra del Golfo alla Libia passando per la Bosnia-Erzegovina, il Kosovo e l'Afghanistan. Partecipazione che ha costituito uno strumento significativo della politica di difesa del paese, e quindi della sua politica estera, rispetto a teatri di crisi rilevanti per gli interessi nazionali, dai Balcani occidentali al Mediterraneo, e in relazione ai maggiori alleati dell'Italia in ambito Nato ed Ue. Il presente Quaderno IAI analizza il ruolo di queste capacità militari nelle operazioni recenti e in una prospettiva futura. Dall'esperienza operativa in dieci missioni internazionali, nelle quali sono stati impiegati dall'Italia oltre 100 velivoli da combattimento compiendo più di 13.000 sortite aeree e circa 36.000 ore di volo, si possono infatti desumere una serie di trend. Essi sono stati presi in considerazione anche alla luce delle evoluzioni della dottrina del potere aereo, nonché di possibili futuri scenari di impiego di velivoli da combattimento in teatri di crisi. L'analisi serve a comprendere le necessità delle forze armate italiane, in particolare Aeronautica e Marina militare, che nel prossimo futuro dovranno sostituire una parte consistente dell’attuale flotta di velivoli da combattimento a causa della progressiva obsolescenza dei mezzi in servizio. Una necessità operativa ineludibile che si lega alle decisioni politiche rispetto alle possibili opzioni, quanto a procurement militare, per mantenere le capacità richieste finora nelle missioni internazionali. In quest'ottica, viene esaminata l'acquisizione dei velivoli F-35, considerando anche gli aspetti industriali di un programma multinazionale che produrrà più di 3.000 esemplari per oltre 12 paesi.
Book Reviews by Daniele Fattibene
The book is a collection of articles written by scholars from both US and European universities a... more The book is a collection of articles written by scholars from both US and European universities and research institutes, published in the journal European Security. It aims to assess the impact of the European Union in security sector reform (SSR) in different scenarios. SSR is of a 'cross-cutting' nature, touching on many issues, from human rights to rule of law, from police sector reform to post-conflict reconstruction.
The book is divided into nine chapters, which present the EU's role in SSR in a number of conflict and post-conflict settings. All scholars claim that the EU today is the most important resource provider for SSR programs. It has developed a multilevel strategy, as opposed to the piecemeal approach favoured by other actors, such as NATO. In this sense, through a comparative analysis, the book investigates both the strengths and the weaknesses of EU SSR missions abroad. The authors argue that, thanks to its holistic approach, which involves many actors at many levels, the EU has managed to become both a "norm-taker" and "norm-maker".
Yet, internal constraints, such as frictions between the Council and the Commission, the lack of coordination with NATO and other international organisations and, finally, the resistance of national governments, constantly undermine the effectiveness of EU efforts in SSR. Many interventions are perceived as having been too internationally driven, especially those in Bosnia and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and some failed to achieve the real empowerment of local actors while, instead, raising local resistance. Moreover, the fragility of domestic institutions, financial constraints and the lack of open dialogue between foreign donors and local recipients has sometimes led to the disenchantment of the local population (mainly in Georgia).
In other contexts, the EU has proved to be an effective security actor. The EULEX Mission in Kosovo succeeded in reforming the police sector on the basis of multiethnic principles. This reform inspired other institutions to pursue the same path in order to ensure peace and stability in the country. The EUPOL COPPS mission in Palestine, while operating in a complicated environment in the absence of a state, achieved significant results by rapidly deploying personnel. It thus had an immediate impact on the ground. Finally, EU monitoring mission in Aceh (AMM) provides an interesting example of successful intervention, which led to significant local empowerment at low cost. The EU chose a pragmatic approach instead of principled idealism, supporting traditional institutions rather than modern principles of democracy. It thus transferred norms of democratic security governance using endogenous material.
The volume carries out an extensive comparative analysis of various EU SSR activities in different scenarios: ongoing conflicts, frozen conflicts or post-conflict contexts. This focus makes its approach innovative and deeper than books concentrating only on one specific case-study. It also overcomes the previous paucity of comparative studies on EU SSR missions and is intended as a contribution to improving the EU's external performance. However, the differences between the various articles increase the risk of redundancy, especially in the introductions and make the reading less fluent.
In conclusion, the book is addressed to both students and scholars dealing with EU Common Security and Defence Policy. Its technical language, as well as the specificity of topics, makes it ideal for those who already have a good background and want to deepen their knowledge of the EU's role in SSR in a comparative way.
Articles by Daniele Fattibene
Uploads
Papers by Daniele Fattibene
Books by Daniele Fattibene
Book Reviews by Daniele Fattibene
The book is divided into nine chapters, which present the EU's role in SSR in a number of conflict and post-conflict settings. All scholars claim that the EU today is the most important resource provider for SSR programs. It has developed a multilevel strategy, as opposed to the piecemeal approach favoured by other actors, such as NATO. In this sense, through a comparative analysis, the book investigates both the strengths and the weaknesses of EU SSR missions abroad. The authors argue that, thanks to its holistic approach, which involves many actors at many levels, the EU has managed to become both a "norm-taker" and "norm-maker".
Yet, internal constraints, such as frictions between the Council and the Commission, the lack of coordination with NATO and other international organisations and, finally, the resistance of national governments, constantly undermine the effectiveness of EU efforts in SSR. Many interventions are perceived as having been too internationally driven, especially those in Bosnia and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and some failed to achieve the real empowerment of local actors while, instead, raising local resistance. Moreover, the fragility of domestic institutions, financial constraints and the lack of open dialogue between foreign donors and local recipients has sometimes led to the disenchantment of the local population (mainly in Georgia).
In other contexts, the EU has proved to be an effective security actor. The EULEX Mission in Kosovo succeeded in reforming the police sector on the basis of multiethnic principles. This reform inspired other institutions to pursue the same path in order to ensure peace and stability in the country. The EUPOL COPPS mission in Palestine, while operating in a complicated environment in the absence of a state, achieved significant results by rapidly deploying personnel. It thus had an immediate impact on the ground. Finally, EU monitoring mission in Aceh (AMM) provides an interesting example of successful intervention, which led to significant local empowerment at low cost. The EU chose a pragmatic approach instead of principled idealism, supporting traditional institutions rather than modern principles of democracy. It thus transferred norms of democratic security governance using endogenous material.
The volume carries out an extensive comparative analysis of various EU SSR activities in different scenarios: ongoing conflicts, frozen conflicts or post-conflict contexts. This focus makes its approach innovative and deeper than books concentrating only on one specific case-study. It also overcomes the previous paucity of comparative studies on EU SSR missions and is intended as a contribution to improving the EU's external performance. However, the differences between the various articles increase the risk of redundancy, especially in the introductions and make the reading less fluent.
In conclusion, the book is addressed to both students and scholars dealing with EU Common Security and Defence Policy. Its technical language, as well as the specificity of topics, makes it ideal for those who already have a good background and want to deepen their knowledge of the EU's role in SSR in a comparative way.
Articles by Daniele Fattibene
The book is divided into nine chapters, which present the EU's role in SSR in a number of conflict and post-conflict settings. All scholars claim that the EU today is the most important resource provider for SSR programs. It has developed a multilevel strategy, as opposed to the piecemeal approach favoured by other actors, such as NATO. In this sense, through a comparative analysis, the book investigates both the strengths and the weaknesses of EU SSR missions abroad. The authors argue that, thanks to its holistic approach, which involves many actors at many levels, the EU has managed to become both a "norm-taker" and "norm-maker".
Yet, internal constraints, such as frictions between the Council and the Commission, the lack of coordination with NATO and other international organisations and, finally, the resistance of national governments, constantly undermine the effectiveness of EU efforts in SSR. Many interventions are perceived as having been too internationally driven, especially those in Bosnia and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and some failed to achieve the real empowerment of local actors while, instead, raising local resistance. Moreover, the fragility of domestic institutions, financial constraints and the lack of open dialogue between foreign donors and local recipients has sometimes led to the disenchantment of the local population (mainly in Georgia).
In other contexts, the EU has proved to be an effective security actor. The EULEX Mission in Kosovo succeeded in reforming the police sector on the basis of multiethnic principles. This reform inspired other institutions to pursue the same path in order to ensure peace and stability in the country. The EUPOL COPPS mission in Palestine, while operating in a complicated environment in the absence of a state, achieved significant results by rapidly deploying personnel. It thus had an immediate impact on the ground. Finally, EU monitoring mission in Aceh (AMM) provides an interesting example of successful intervention, which led to significant local empowerment at low cost. The EU chose a pragmatic approach instead of principled idealism, supporting traditional institutions rather than modern principles of democracy. It thus transferred norms of democratic security governance using endogenous material.
The volume carries out an extensive comparative analysis of various EU SSR activities in different scenarios: ongoing conflicts, frozen conflicts or post-conflict contexts. This focus makes its approach innovative and deeper than books concentrating only on one specific case-study. It also overcomes the previous paucity of comparative studies on EU SSR missions and is intended as a contribution to improving the EU's external performance. However, the differences between the various articles increase the risk of redundancy, especially in the introductions and make the reading less fluent.
In conclusion, the book is addressed to both students and scholars dealing with EU Common Security and Defence Policy. Its technical language, as well as the specificity of topics, makes it ideal for those who already have a good background and want to deepen their knowledge of the EU's role in SSR in a comparative way.