Murat Önsoy
Murat Önsoy studierte Politikwissenschaft an der Bilkent Universität, Türkei und schloss dort seinen Master in Internationale Beziehungen ab. Als Stipendiat des Hochschulrats der Türkei promovierte er an der Universität Erlangen/Nürnberg (Institut für Gegenwartsbezogene Orientforschung). Er erhielt sein Doktortitel 2009 mit einer Dissertation über „Die wirtschaftliche Kriegsführung der Alliierten im Zweiten Weltkrieg: Der Fall des türkischen Chromhandels”. Seit 2023 ist er Professor für Internationale Beziehungen an der Hacettepe Universität/Ankara .
Als Experte nahm er in zahlreichen Forumsdiskussionen und Projekten zur Sicherheit auf dem Balkan teil. Er organisierte eine Konferenz in İstanbul (Oktober 2012) mit dem Titel „Vom Krieg zum ewigen Frieden am 100. Jahrestag des Balkankriegs: Gute nachbarschaftliche Beziehungen auf dem Balkan“. Er hat wissenschaftliche Artikel auf türkisch, deutsch und englisch publiziert. Murat Önsoy ist stellvertretender Direktor des Zentrums für Strategische Studien an der Hacettepe Universitaet(HÜSAM) und Centrum für Europaeische Union an der Hacettepe Universitaet (HÜAB) und ist Mitglied der „International Studies Assoziation“, Gutachter für verschiedene internationale Zeitschriften und im Editorial Board des Journal of Balkan Research Center. Darüber hinaus ist er als Gutachter für Jean Monnet Stipendium Prüfung tatig.
Vom März 2015 bis Februar 2016 arbeitetet er als Gastwissenschaftler am Hamburg Universität- ZEUS Program. Dort untersuchtet er Friedenskonsolidierung und Demokratisierung auf dem Westbalkan.
Sprachen
türkisch, englisch, deutsch
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Murat Önsoy holds a B.A in Political Science and an M.A in International Relations from Bilkent University, Turkey. As scholarship recipient of the Turkish Higher Education Council, he conducted his doctoral studies at the University of Erlangen/Nuremberg Institute for Contemporary Middle Eastern Studies, and obtained a PhD degree with his thesis entitled “World War Two Allied Economic Warfare: The Case of Turkish Chrome Sales”. Since 2023 he is working as a professor at Hacettepe University department of International Relations.
As an expert, he has participated in several Balkan security related forums and projects and organized a series of seminars on the region. He has also organized a high-level international congress in İstanbul (October 2012) entitled ‘From War to Eternal Peace on the 100. Anniversary of the Balkan Wars: Good Neighbourhood Relations in the Balkans’. He has written several articles in Turkish, German and English. Mr. Önsoy is the deputy director of Hacettepe University Strategic Research Center(HÜSAM) and Hacettepe University European Union Research Center(HÜAB) and serves on the advisory board of Hacettepe University Center for Energy Market Applications and Research (HUEPUAM). He is a member of ‘International Studies Association’ and serves as a referee for several international journals and also serves on the editorial board of the Journal of Balkan Research Center.
He was a guest researcher at Hamburg University - ZEUS program from March 2015 to February 2016 where he conducted research on the peace building and democratization process of the Western Balkans.
Languages: Turkish, English, German
Contact: onsoymurat@hotmail.com
Als Experte nahm er in zahlreichen Forumsdiskussionen und Projekten zur Sicherheit auf dem Balkan teil. Er organisierte eine Konferenz in İstanbul (Oktober 2012) mit dem Titel „Vom Krieg zum ewigen Frieden am 100. Jahrestag des Balkankriegs: Gute nachbarschaftliche Beziehungen auf dem Balkan“. Er hat wissenschaftliche Artikel auf türkisch, deutsch und englisch publiziert. Murat Önsoy ist stellvertretender Direktor des Zentrums für Strategische Studien an der Hacettepe Universitaet(HÜSAM) und Centrum für Europaeische Union an der Hacettepe Universitaet (HÜAB) und ist Mitglied der „International Studies Assoziation“, Gutachter für verschiedene internationale Zeitschriften und im Editorial Board des Journal of Balkan Research Center. Darüber hinaus ist er als Gutachter für Jean Monnet Stipendium Prüfung tatig.
Vom März 2015 bis Februar 2016 arbeitetet er als Gastwissenschaftler am Hamburg Universität- ZEUS Program. Dort untersuchtet er Friedenskonsolidierung und Demokratisierung auf dem Westbalkan.
Sprachen
türkisch, englisch, deutsch
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Murat Önsoy holds a B.A in Political Science and an M.A in International Relations from Bilkent University, Turkey. As scholarship recipient of the Turkish Higher Education Council, he conducted his doctoral studies at the University of Erlangen/Nuremberg Institute for Contemporary Middle Eastern Studies, and obtained a PhD degree with his thesis entitled “World War Two Allied Economic Warfare: The Case of Turkish Chrome Sales”. Since 2023 he is working as a professor at Hacettepe University department of International Relations.
As an expert, he has participated in several Balkan security related forums and projects and organized a series of seminars on the region. He has also organized a high-level international congress in İstanbul (October 2012) entitled ‘From War to Eternal Peace on the 100. Anniversary of the Balkan Wars: Good Neighbourhood Relations in the Balkans’. He has written several articles in Turkish, German and English. Mr. Önsoy is the deputy director of Hacettepe University Strategic Research Center(HÜSAM) and Hacettepe University European Union Research Center(HÜAB) and serves on the advisory board of Hacettepe University Center for Energy Market Applications and Research (HUEPUAM). He is a member of ‘International Studies Association’ and serves as a referee for several international journals and also serves on the editorial board of the Journal of Balkan Research Center.
He was a guest researcher at Hamburg University - ZEUS program from March 2015 to February 2016 where he conducted research on the peace building and democratization process of the Western Balkans.
Languages: Turkish, English, German
Contact: onsoymurat@hotmail.com
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Öz Avrupa Birliği destekli ekonomik ve siyasi reformlara rağmen Batı Balkanlar, çatışma sonrası uzlaşma, sosyalizm sonrası ekonomik dönüşüm ve demokrasi dahil olmak üzere birçok alanda çok az ilerleme kay-detti veya hiç ilerleme kaydedemedi. Bu durum hem bölgesel istikrarı hem de daha da önemlisi bölgedeki AB entegrasyon sürecini tehdit etmekte. Öte yandan AB'nin kendisi de krizde ve genişleme politikası ivmesini kaybetti. Alternatif politikalar uygulanmazsa, Batı Balkanlar bir kez daha çatışma girda-bına sürüklenebilir. Bu çalışma, bir Makro-Bölge Stratejisi olan Adriyatik ve İyon Denizleri için AB Stratejisi'nin (EUSAIR) Batı Balkanlar için daha gerçekçi bir entegrasyon aracı ve bölgenin tıkanmış AB üyelik sürecine alternatif bir mekanizma olarak hizmet edebileceğini ileri sürmektedir.
The EU, which is commonly referred as a soft power, is facing various challenges that limit its effectiveness in the international scene, most importantly in the Western Balkans. The transformative capacity of its soft power is not properly utilized in this region. This article explores the challenges to the EU’s soft power and evaluates possible ways for the Union to maintain its effectiveness adding new dimensions to its foreign policy in the area–specifically in the Western Balkans region. The primary issue addressed by this article deals with the immediate changes facing the EU as a soft power today. Given the fact that political mechanisms that EU utilized have proved to be ineffective in promoting stability, democracy peace in its area, alternatives should be considered. Meanwhile, a decade ago Turkey has proven its capacity to influence Western Balkan countries by creating and consolidating its soft power through various ways. However under the most present circumstances an economically weak Turkey is nothing but an actor which attempts to strengthen its relationship with Western Balkans countries
Turkey was one of the few countries that remained neutral during World War II. It was a big test for the government in Ankara since the rights of the wartime neutrals (particularly that of the small powers) were often ignored and they were labeled by the belligerents with such derogatory terms as “immoral free riders” or “war profiteers”. This article argues that, Turkish ruling elite’s choice of neutrality was not taken based on
simple calculations of profiting from the trade with the belligerents, but it was their number one priority due to a national security psyche deeply ingrained in their past
experiences. To this end, this article will firstly re-unfold the roots of Turkish neutrality philosophy. Secondly it will give a deeper analysis of the diplomatic methods undertaken by the Turkish ruling elite (balancing, bridging alignments, evasion, procrastination,
downplaying countries strategic value, exhibiting pro-status quo tendencies, etc..) to counter the developments (i.e. changing perceptions/war aims of belligerents) that would lead to its belligerency.
********************************************
Bu çalışma, Avrupa Birliği'nin Batı Balkanlar'daki devletler üzerindeki siyasi, normatif ve ekonomik gücünün son yıllarda düşüşe geçtiğini ileri sürmektedir. Özellikle Birliğin 'Avrupalılaştırma ' politikasının etkilerinin azalmasıyla birlikte Batı Balkanlar'da diğer bölgesel ve global aktörler için bir manevra alanı oluşmuştur. Rusya ve Çin ile birlikte bölgesel bir aktör olan Türkiye'nin de bölgedeki faaliyetlerini arttırması neticesinde, Batı Balkanlar bölgesel alt sisteminde tek kutupluluktan çok kutupluluğa doğru bir geçiş yaşanmıştır. Bu çalışma, güç dengesindeki bu dönüşüm doğrultusunda, Türkiye'nin AKP döneminde bölge ile ilişkilerinde meydana gelen değişimi, analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır.
Baba, Gürol and Önsoy, Murat, “Between Capability and Foreign Policy: Comparing Turkey’s Small Power and Middle Power Status”, Uluslararası İlişkiler, Volume 13, No. 51, 2016, pp. 3-20.
Abstract
Der vorliegende Beitrag erörtert die ersten deutschen Bahnkonstruktionen in Kleinasien im Lichte der europäischen Großmachtpolitik an der Wende vom 19. zum 20. Jahrhundert. Die Entwicklung des Eisenbahnwesens im Osmanischen Reich war ein wichtiges Zeichen für die Zusammenarbeit zwischen Kaiser Wilhelm II. und Sultan Abdülhamid II. Darüber hinaus führte es auch zu einer Vertiefung der deutsch-osmanischen Beziehungen.
Mit der Thronbesteigung Wilhelm II. im Jahre 1888 begann eine neue Periode der deutsch-osmanischen Beziehungen. Dem neuen Kaiser war die Bismarcksche Friedenspolitik nicht genehm. Er verfolgte eine energische Auslandspolitik sowohl in Europa als auch auf der ganzen Welt. Seine Politik zielte in Europa auf ein Bündnis mit Österreich-Ungarn und in der Welt auf eine koloniale Groβmachtpolitik. Ein weiterer Grund, der den deutschen Kaiser zu dieser politischen Weichenstellung bewegte, war die stetig zunehmende Industrialisierung des Kaiserreichs, die einen wachsenden Bedarf an Rohstoffen nach sich zog.
Das Deutsche Reich, das für sich in der aufgeteilten Welt keinen Platz fand, orientierte sich stattdessen am Osmanischen Reich. Mit der Eisenbahnkonzession begann eine der großen Unternehmungen des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts. Mit Beginn des Eisenbahnbaus wuchs der deutsche Einfluss im Osmanischen Reich in wirtschaftlicher, aber auch militärischer Hinsicht.
Kaiser Wilhelm II. genoss hohes Ansehen im Osmanischen Reich und in der 300 Millionen Einwohner zählenden islamischen Welt. Dies war für das Deutsche Reich in seiner zukünftigen militärischen Auseinandersetzung mit seinen Rivalen England, Frankreich und Russland ein wichtiger strategischer Vorteil. Der Bau einer Bahn quer durch das riesige Osmanische Reich war als ein großes Projekt eng verbunden mit der politischen Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches und von enormer Bedeutung für das Schicksal des Staates.
improve energy security. The transformation of the dynamics of energy security in the western Balkans is an opportunity not only for the region but also for the countries like Turkey, which is rapidly becoming an important player in the east-west energy supply corridor.While much of the literature focused on energy security and the region has explored its relations with Russia and the EU, this article expands and enhances knowledge of this topical subject by exploring the highly important position
Turkey occupies in the region’s energy security dynamics. For reasons both specific to Turkey and to its particular sets of interconnected relationships with the EU and Russia, the article demonstrates that Turkey is uniquely situated to contribute to energy securityin the western Balkans. The major aim of this study is thus to provide a clear understanding of Turkey’s energy policy in the western Balkans in light of its own
relations with the two key players of EU and Russia, as well as its particular domesticlevel characteristics. The fundamental argument is that Ankara, with its proactive diplomacy and advanced bilateral partnerships with Russia and the EU, is particularly positioned to contribute—and has the capacity to continue to contribute—to the future of energy security in the Western Balkans.
power balances under the influence of social, economic, and historical factors. By applying a coherent framework that identifies multiple and complex contributing factors, the author
provides a comprehensive analysis of the elements underlying Turkey’s response to the Ukrainian crisis.
Fifteen years after the Dayton Peace Agreement, Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) is still not capable of solving major structural and political problems, and no progress has been achieved on the reforms that people believe will carry the country to success. Being unable to solve these problems leads further pending political, social and economic problems to become more serious. If the situation continues, it is likely that Bosnia-Herzegovina will enter into a process of disintegration which also means a failure of the International Community (the US and the EU) and the reform efforts that were guided from the very beginning. Due to the lack of inter-communal consensus, the local political actors are far from making any positive contribution to the reform process, and once again the burden falls on the shoulders of the International Community. However, the contemporary setup of the International Community and the way it approaches these problems is far from a remedy for BiH. Therefore it is necessary that the International Community’s structure and its approach to the problems be reconsidered. In this study the most urgent political, social and economic problems of BiH are going to be discussed. In addition, structural changes that can be made to make the International community a more capable actor in BiH are evaluated.
The Azerbaijani state building and modernization process which has been going on for more than twenty years has also brought along important achievements in the field of civil society. It was the end of 1980’s when the foundations of the modern civil society were laid, since then the Azerbaijani civil society is developing and this process is shaped by so many historical events such as the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Azerbaijani liberation movement and the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The founding years of the Azerbaijani state were the years of instability which led to the coming into power of the ex-soviet cadres. The Azerbaijani non governmental organizations are struggling for survival with the limited support of the international community despite a semi-authoritarian regime tacitly supported by a coalition of the US, NATO and the transnational corporations. The democratization and civil society-building process in the country is like a cat and mouse game between a strong government and weak non governmental organizations. In this article, the progress of the Azerbaijani non-governmental organizations will be examined from a historical perspective and secondly the problems that are encountered during this process will be identified.
ilişkilerdeki pazarlık gücünü arttırdığı bilinen bir gerçektir. Öte yandan bu zenginliklerin ulusal çıkarlar doğrultusunda en iyi şekilde değerlendirilmesi ancak ve ancak başarılı bir dış politika ile mümkündür. İkinci Dünya Savaşı öncesi ve savaş yılları dış Türk Dış Politikası açısından belki de tarihinin en zorlu dönemlerinden biri olmuştur. Coğrafi konumu başta olmak üzere birçok sebepten ötürü, gerek müttefikler gerekse mihver devletleri tarafından savaşa dâhil edilmeye çalışılan Türkiye, hiçbir çıkarının olmadığı bu yıkıma taraf olmamak konusunda kesin kararlı bir duruş sergilemiştir. Orta ölçekte bir devlet olması dolayısıyla büyük güçlere karşı çokta fazla pazarlık gücü bulunmayan Türkiye, savaş süresince denge politikası izlemeye çalışmış bu uğurda büyük bir diplomatik mücadele vermiştir elindeki bütün olanakları seferber etmiştir. Türkiye’nin elindeki en büyük değerlerden bir tanesi, savaş sanayinde kullanılmaya elverişli yüksek cevher oranı ihtiva eden kromdu. Savaşan devletler Türk kromunu elde etmek için büyük bir mücadeleye girişmişti. Türkiye ise elinde bulundurduğu bu değeri dış politika hedefleri doğrultusunda kullanmaya çalışmıştır. Bu çalışmada Topyekûn harbin bir parçası olan İktisadi harbin Türkiye ayağında İngiltere’nin Almanya’yı Türk kromundan mahrum bırakmak girişimleri ele alınacaktır. Aynı zamanda İngiltere’nin bu mücadelede başarısız olduğu iddia edilmekte, arşiv materyalleri ve ikincil kaynakların ışığında bu başarısızlığın sebepleri incelenmektedir.
with some major institutional and structural
problems, which affect progress in almost all
areas. The rule of law, which is a central feature
of a modern democratic society, is not ensured.
Human Rights, which consist of a wide range of civil,
cultural, economic, political and social rights, are denied
and this denial is not “by law” but “by practice”.
The aim of this analysis is to give a brief overview of
the situation with regard to the enjoyment of the basic
human rights in the Western Balkans. The main line of
argumentation is that Western Balkan states have been
reviewing much of their domestic laws, regulations,
structures etc. to comply with the European Union (EU)
standards. As a result, the backbone that is necessary to
protect the basic civil, political, social, and economic
rights are in place; however implementation of these
ambitious legal framework, which is the key
Öz Avrupa Birliği destekli ekonomik ve siyasi reformlara rağmen Batı Balkanlar, çatışma sonrası uzlaşma, sosyalizm sonrası ekonomik dönüşüm ve demokrasi dahil olmak üzere birçok alanda çok az ilerleme kay-detti veya hiç ilerleme kaydedemedi. Bu durum hem bölgesel istikrarı hem de daha da önemlisi bölgedeki AB entegrasyon sürecini tehdit etmekte. Öte yandan AB'nin kendisi de krizde ve genişleme politikası ivmesini kaybetti. Alternatif politikalar uygulanmazsa, Batı Balkanlar bir kez daha çatışma girda-bına sürüklenebilir. Bu çalışma, bir Makro-Bölge Stratejisi olan Adriyatik ve İyon Denizleri için AB Stratejisi'nin (EUSAIR) Batı Balkanlar için daha gerçekçi bir entegrasyon aracı ve bölgenin tıkanmış AB üyelik sürecine alternatif bir mekanizma olarak hizmet edebileceğini ileri sürmektedir.
The EU, which is commonly referred as a soft power, is facing various challenges that limit its effectiveness in the international scene, most importantly in the Western Balkans. The transformative capacity of its soft power is not properly utilized in this region. This article explores the challenges to the EU’s soft power and evaluates possible ways for the Union to maintain its effectiveness adding new dimensions to its foreign policy in the area–specifically in the Western Balkans region. The primary issue addressed by this article deals with the immediate changes facing the EU as a soft power today. Given the fact that political mechanisms that EU utilized have proved to be ineffective in promoting stability, democracy peace in its area, alternatives should be considered. Meanwhile, a decade ago Turkey has proven its capacity to influence Western Balkan countries by creating and consolidating its soft power through various ways. However under the most present circumstances an economically weak Turkey is nothing but an actor which attempts to strengthen its relationship with Western Balkans countries
Turkey was one of the few countries that remained neutral during World War II. It was a big test for the government in Ankara since the rights of the wartime neutrals (particularly that of the small powers) were often ignored and they were labeled by the belligerents with such derogatory terms as “immoral free riders” or “war profiteers”. This article argues that, Turkish ruling elite’s choice of neutrality was not taken based on
simple calculations of profiting from the trade with the belligerents, but it was their number one priority due to a national security psyche deeply ingrained in their past
experiences. To this end, this article will firstly re-unfold the roots of Turkish neutrality philosophy. Secondly it will give a deeper analysis of the diplomatic methods undertaken by the Turkish ruling elite (balancing, bridging alignments, evasion, procrastination,
downplaying countries strategic value, exhibiting pro-status quo tendencies, etc..) to counter the developments (i.e. changing perceptions/war aims of belligerents) that would lead to its belligerency.
********************************************
Bu çalışma, Avrupa Birliği'nin Batı Balkanlar'daki devletler üzerindeki siyasi, normatif ve ekonomik gücünün son yıllarda düşüşe geçtiğini ileri sürmektedir. Özellikle Birliğin 'Avrupalılaştırma ' politikasının etkilerinin azalmasıyla birlikte Batı Balkanlar'da diğer bölgesel ve global aktörler için bir manevra alanı oluşmuştur. Rusya ve Çin ile birlikte bölgesel bir aktör olan Türkiye'nin de bölgedeki faaliyetlerini arttırması neticesinde, Batı Balkanlar bölgesel alt sisteminde tek kutupluluktan çok kutupluluğa doğru bir geçiş yaşanmıştır. Bu çalışma, güç dengesindeki bu dönüşüm doğrultusunda, Türkiye'nin AKP döneminde bölge ile ilişkilerinde meydana gelen değişimi, analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır.
Baba, Gürol and Önsoy, Murat, “Between Capability and Foreign Policy: Comparing Turkey’s Small Power and Middle Power Status”, Uluslararası İlişkiler, Volume 13, No. 51, 2016, pp. 3-20.
Abstract
Der vorliegende Beitrag erörtert die ersten deutschen Bahnkonstruktionen in Kleinasien im Lichte der europäischen Großmachtpolitik an der Wende vom 19. zum 20. Jahrhundert. Die Entwicklung des Eisenbahnwesens im Osmanischen Reich war ein wichtiges Zeichen für die Zusammenarbeit zwischen Kaiser Wilhelm II. und Sultan Abdülhamid II. Darüber hinaus führte es auch zu einer Vertiefung der deutsch-osmanischen Beziehungen.
Mit der Thronbesteigung Wilhelm II. im Jahre 1888 begann eine neue Periode der deutsch-osmanischen Beziehungen. Dem neuen Kaiser war die Bismarcksche Friedenspolitik nicht genehm. Er verfolgte eine energische Auslandspolitik sowohl in Europa als auch auf der ganzen Welt. Seine Politik zielte in Europa auf ein Bündnis mit Österreich-Ungarn und in der Welt auf eine koloniale Groβmachtpolitik. Ein weiterer Grund, der den deutschen Kaiser zu dieser politischen Weichenstellung bewegte, war die stetig zunehmende Industrialisierung des Kaiserreichs, die einen wachsenden Bedarf an Rohstoffen nach sich zog.
Das Deutsche Reich, das für sich in der aufgeteilten Welt keinen Platz fand, orientierte sich stattdessen am Osmanischen Reich. Mit der Eisenbahnkonzession begann eine der großen Unternehmungen des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts. Mit Beginn des Eisenbahnbaus wuchs der deutsche Einfluss im Osmanischen Reich in wirtschaftlicher, aber auch militärischer Hinsicht.
Kaiser Wilhelm II. genoss hohes Ansehen im Osmanischen Reich und in der 300 Millionen Einwohner zählenden islamischen Welt. Dies war für das Deutsche Reich in seiner zukünftigen militärischen Auseinandersetzung mit seinen Rivalen England, Frankreich und Russland ein wichtiger strategischer Vorteil. Der Bau einer Bahn quer durch das riesige Osmanische Reich war als ein großes Projekt eng verbunden mit der politischen Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches und von enormer Bedeutung für das Schicksal des Staates.
improve energy security. The transformation of the dynamics of energy security in the western Balkans is an opportunity not only for the region but also for the countries like Turkey, which is rapidly becoming an important player in the east-west energy supply corridor.While much of the literature focused on energy security and the region has explored its relations with Russia and the EU, this article expands and enhances knowledge of this topical subject by exploring the highly important position
Turkey occupies in the region’s energy security dynamics. For reasons both specific to Turkey and to its particular sets of interconnected relationships with the EU and Russia, the article demonstrates that Turkey is uniquely situated to contribute to energy securityin the western Balkans. The major aim of this study is thus to provide a clear understanding of Turkey’s energy policy in the western Balkans in light of its own
relations with the two key players of EU and Russia, as well as its particular domesticlevel characteristics. The fundamental argument is that Ankara, with its proactive diplomacy and advanced bilateral partnerships with Russia and the EU, is particularly positioned to contribute—and has the capacity to continue to contribute—to the future of energy security in the Western Balkans.
power balances under the influence of social, economic, and historical factors. By applying a coherent framework that identifies multiple and complex contributing factors, the author
provides a comprehensive analysis of the elements underlying Turkey’s response to the Ukrainian crisis.
Fifteen years after the Dayton Peace Agreement, Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) is still not capable of solving major structural and political problems, and no progress has been achieved on the reforms that people believe will carry the country to success. Being unable to solve these problems leads further pending political, social and economic problems to become more serious. If the situation continues, it is likely that Bosnia-Herzegovina will enter into a process of disintegration which also means a failure of the International Community (the US and the EU) and the reform efforts that were guided from the very beginning. Due to the lack of inter-communal consensus, the local political actors are far from making any positive contribution to the reform process, and once again the burden falls on the shoulders of the International Community. However, the contemporary setup of the International Community and the way it approaches these problems is far from a remedy for BiH. Therefore it is necessary that the International Community’s structure and its approach to the problems be reconsidered. In this study the most urgent political, social and economic problems of BiH are going to be discussed. In addition, structural changes that can be made to make the International community a more capable actor in BiH are evaluated.
The Azerbaijani state building and modernization process which has been going on for more than twenty years has also brought along important achievements in the field of civil society. It was the end of 1980’s when the foundations of the modern civil society were laid, since then the Azerbaijani civil society is developing and this process is shaped by so many historical events such as the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Azerbaijani liberation movement and the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The founding years of the Azerbaijani state were the years of instability which led to the coming into power of the ex-soviet cadres. The Azerbaijani non governmental organizations are struggling for survival with the limited support of the international community despite a semi-authoritarian regime tacitly supported by a coalition of the US, NATO and the transnational corporations. The democratization and civil society-building process in the country is like a cat and mouse game between a strong government and weak non governmental organizations. In this article, the progress of the Azerbaijani non-governmental organizations will be examined from a historical perspective and secondly the problems that are encountered during this process will be identified.
ilişkilerdeki pazarlık gücünü arttırdığı bilinen bir gerçektir. Öte yandan bu zenginliklerin ulusal çıkarlar doğrultusunda en iyi şekilde değerlendirilmesi ancak ve ancak başarılı bir dış politika ile mümkündür. İkinci Dünya Savaşı öncesi ve savaş yılları dış Türk Dış Politikası açısından belki de tarihinin en zorlu dönemlerinden biri olmuştur. Coğrafi konumu başta olmak üzere birçok sebepten ötürü, gerek müttefikler gerekse mihver devletleri tarafından savaşa dâhil edilmeye çalışılan Türkiye, hiçbir çıkarının olmadığı bu yıkıma taraf olmamak konusunda kesin kararlı bir duruş sergilemiştir. Orta ölçekte bir devlet olması dolayısıyla büyük güçlere karşı çokta fazla pazarlık gücü bulunmayan Türkiye, savaş süresince denge politikası izlemeye çalışmış bu uğurda büyük bir diplomatik mücadele vermiştir elindeki bütün olanakları seferber etmiştir. Türkiye’nin elindeki en büyük değerlerden bir tanesi, savaş sanayinde kullanılmaya elverişli yüksek cevher oranı ihtiva eden kromdu. Savaşan devletler Türk kromunu elde etmek için büyük bir mücadeleye girişmişti. Türkiye ise elinde bulundurduğu bu değeri dış politika hedefleri doğrultusunda kullanmaya çalışmıştır. Bu çalışmada Topyekûn harbin bir parçası olan İktisadi harbin Türkiye ayağında İngiltere’nin Almanya’yı Türk kromundan mahrum bırakmak girişimleri ele alınacaktır. Aynı zamanda İngiltere’nin bu mücadelede başarısız olduğu iddia edilmekte, arşiv materyalleri ve ikincil kaynakların ışığında bu başarısızlığın sebepleri incelenmektedir.
with some major institutional and structural
problems, which affect progress in almost all
areas. The rule of law, which is a central feature
of a modern democratic society, is not ensured.
Human Rights, which consist of a wide range of civil,
cultural, economic, political and social rights, are denied
and this denial is not “by law” but “by practice”.
The aim of this analysis is to give a brief overview of
the situation with regard to the enjoyment of the basic
human rights in the Western Balkans. The main line of
argumentation is that Western Balkan states have been
reviewing much of their domestic laws, regulations,
structures etc. to comply with the European Union (EU)
standards. As a result, the backbone that is necessary to
protect the basic civil, political, social, and economic
rights are in place; however implementation of these
ambitious legal framework, which is the key
sale to the Ottoman Empire. This chapter aims to shed light on the relations between the U.S. and the Ottoman Empire. The first part of this chapter begins with the almost half a century-long encounters of the American merchants and the missionaries with the Ottomans before the start of the official relations in 1830. The second part of this chapter focuses on the developments that took place in the bilateral relations from 1830 until the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in 1922.
This chapter aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of Turkey’s relations with LACs vis-à-vis the transformation of its foreign policy. While the first part traces the origins of relations back to the 19th century Ottoman Empire, the second part focuses on the republican era. After enquiring into the reestablishment of relations with LACs in the early years of the Republic through the end of the Cold War, the chapter continues tracking changes in Turkish foreign policy in the 1990s and early 2000s. Marking 2006 as a turning point, it concludes that under its ‘new’ foreign policy understanding, the ruling Justice and Development Party’s ambitious policy towards the region has been part of Turkey’s effort to claim the status of a ‘global power’.
Özet: Türk‐Alman ilişkilerinde son 10 yıldır soğuk rüzgârlar esmektedir. Köklü bir geçmişe sahip olan iki dost ve müttefik ülkenin son dönem ilişkilerinde yaşanan kötüye gidişin miladı Almanya'da yedi yıllık Gerhard Schröder'li Sosyal Demokrat Parti döneminin sona erip, Angela Merkel yönetimindeki Hıristiyan Demokratların iktidara gelmesidir. Schröder'li yıllarda AB ile ilişkilerde yaşanan altın dönemin ardından, 2005 Federal Almanya Meclis seçimleri ile Berlin'de Türkiye karşıtı Hıristiyan Demokrat siyasete geri dönülmüştür. Merkel, tıpkı Hıristiyan Demokrat selefi Helmut Kohl gibi, Türkiye'ye AB'nin kapılarını kapatmıştır. Geride bıraktığımız on sene zarfında yaşanan bu önemli kırılma, bu yıllar içerisinde ikili ilişkilerde derin bir güvensizlik ortamının hâkim olmasına neden olmuştur. İki ülke siyasetçilerinin aralarında yaşadıkları sayısız sürtüşme ve medya üzerinden sürdürülen polemikler neticesinde, iki ülke arasında adeta bir soğuk savaş yaşanmıştır. Öte yandan, Türk‐Alman ilişkilerinde geçmişte var olan Türkiye aleyhine asimetrik güç ilişkisi ve bunun meydana getirdiği Almanya'nın Türkiye'ye çok boyutlu müdahale alışkanlığı, bu dönemde yerini biraz daha dengeli bir bağımlılık ilişkisine bırakmıştır. Fakat Ankara'nın iç ve dış politikasına müdahale eğiliminde olan Berlin'e gösterdiği artan düzeyde tepkiler, bir takım sorunları da beraberinde getirmiştir. Yine bu dönemde, Almanya'daki Türk varlığının yaratığı bazı olumsuzluklar ve dış politikada girilen rekabet de her geçen gün artan güven bunalımına katkıda bulunan diğer bazı faktörler olarak göze çarpmaktadır. Mülteci kriziyle beraber Türkiye'nin stratejik ortaklığına duyulan ihtiyaç, Almanya'nın Türkiye siyasetini gözden geçirmesine yol açmış ve iki ülke ilişkileri açısından yeni bir dönemin başlangıcı olmuştur. Bu makalede, iki ülke ilişkilerinin son 10 yılında yaşanan kötü gidişin nedenleri tartışılacaktır.
•Aydınlanma'nın Temel Unsurları
•Fransız Aydınlanması
•İskoç Aydınlanması
•Alman Aydınlaması
Webinarımızın konuşmacısı Hessen Eyalet Parlamentosu Milletvekili İsmail Tipi'dir.
Webinar dili Türkçe olacaktır. Sadece Konrad Adenauer Vakfı Türkiye Temsilcisi Walter Glos ve Federal Almanya Elçisi Dr. Dirk Rotenberg'in yapacağı açılış konuşmaları Almanca'dan Türkçe'ye simultane tercüman tarafından tercüme edilecektir.
Webinarlara önkayıt alınmaktadır. Webinar - 1 Kayıt Linki için tıklayınız: https://us02web.zoom.us/webinar/register/WN_tmhw_izcRK2R6B17NvzvuA
Ayrıntılı bilgi ve diğer webinar linkleri için tıklayınız: http://www.hutai.hacettepe.edu.tr/tr/menu/hutaikas_turkiyeden_a
Atatürk and Turkish minister of education Hasan Ali Yücel, took advantage of Hitler's dismissal of Jewish educators and scientists and invited them to Turkey. First German then Austrian and Czech expatriates(mostly jewish) with a record of leading-edge contributions to various scientific disciplines and professions fleeing the Nazis came to the young republic, helping to transform its university system and the entire infrastructure of the state. By way of formal government invitations these people were given a safe haven. Among the hundreds of important names in art, science and politics, one of the foremost was Ernst Reuter, who came to Turkey by invitation of Ataturk. Reuter, who returned to Germany after the war, would become the first mayor to rule Berlin. Some of the other scientists who played a major part in the academic traditions was Ernst Hirsch, who played a major role in the establishment of the Istanbul Law School and the preparation of the Turkish Trade Law; Fritz Neumark, who prepared the Turkish Income Tax Law; Paul Hindemith, who re-established the conservatories in Turkey; and Bruno Taut, who designed the building of the National Assembly. Following the war’s end, many of the refugees went to US making major impacts on the sciences, humanities, medicine, and the arts. Central Europe’s great loss was Turkey’s gain.
Bu kapsamda HÜTAİ öncülüğünde ve Hacettepe Üniversitesi Rektörlüğü, Konrad Adenauer Vakfı, Federal Almanya Cumhuriyeti Ankara Büyükelçiliği, Almanya Akademik Değişim Servisi (DAAD)'nin katkılarıyla 12-13 Kasım 2019 tarihleri arasında “I. Uluslararası Türk-Alman Çalışmaları Kongresi" gerçekleştirilecektir.
Hacettepe Üniversitesi Beytepe Kampüsü Mehmet Akif Ersoy Salonu’nda gerçekleştirilecek iki günlük kongrede Türk-Alman ilişkilerindeki birikim, güncel durum ve gelecek vizyonuna ilişkin konular ele alınacaktır. Yurtiçinden ve yurtdışından Uluslararası İlişkiler, Siyaset Bilimi, Hukuk, Tarih, Edebiyat, Sosyoloji, Arkeoloji, vb. alanlarda uzman akademisyenlerin katılacağı kongrenin temel amacı, iki ülke arasındaki dostluk köprülerinin sağlamlaştırılmasıdır. Bu doğrultuda iki ülke bilim adamları ve yüksek eğitim kurumları arasındaki ilişkilerinin çok yönlü geliştirilmesi yoluyla iki ülke ilişkilerine katkıda bulunulması amaçlanmaktadır.
12 Kasım 2019 tarihinde saat 10.00’da başlayacak Kongrenin açılış konuşmaları Federal Almanya Cumhuriyeti Ankara Büyükelçisi Martin Erdmann, Hacettepe Üniversitesi Rektörü Prof. Dr. Haluk Özen ve Konrad Adenauer Vakfı Türkiye Temsilcisi Walter Glos ve DAAD Ankara Temsilcisi Franziska Trepke tarafından gerçekleştirilecektir. Kongremizi katılımlarınız ile onurlandırmanızı diliyoruz.
Detaylı bilgi için: www.hutai.hacettepe.edu.tr
akademischer Tätigkeiten, um die Zusammenarbeit zwischen der Türkischen Republik und der
Bundesrepublik Deutschland in politischen, ökonomischen, technischen und kulturellen
Bereichen zu stärken. Die Gründungssatzung wurde im Amtsblatt der Republik Türkei dieses
Jahres publiziert.
Während die Zusammenarbeit beider Länder in etlichen Bereichen Entwicklungen aufzeigen, gibt
es jedoch auch Bereiche, in denen die Zusammenarbeit weiterhin befördert werden kann. Die
vergangene Periode hat gezeigt, dass die Zusammenarbeit beider Länder gefährdet sein kann,
wenn diese nicht gut angeleitet werden. Aus diesem Grund ist es für beide Länder, vorteilhaft,
dass das strategische, ökonomische und soziale Zusammenarbeiten entwickelt und dadurch
eventuelle Risikofaktoren behoben werden und den Interessen beider Länder dient. Der
Wissenschaft kommt aus diesem Grund eine große Aufgabe zu. In der Bundesrepublik führen
zahlreiche deutsch-türkische Zentren an Universitäten oder Nichtregierungsorganisationen
Tätigkeiten diesbezüglich aus. In der Türkei jedoch gibt es keine akademisch basierten Zentren,
die in diesen Bereichen aktiv sind. Diese Situation bringt die türkische Akademie aus Sicht der
Wissensproduktion in eine unvorteilhafte Position.
Das Ziel des Forschungszentrums für türkisch- deutsche Studien, dessen Tätigkeiten innerhalb der
Hacettepe Universität ausgeführt werden, ist es, die Lücke einer akademischen
Wissensproduktion zu schließen, die für die bilateralen Beziehungen notwendig sind. Daher
besteht das Verwaltungs- und Beratungskomitee überwiegend aus Akademikern aus Deutschland
und der Türkei und repräsentiert viele Bereiche der Wissenschaft. Neben akademischen
Einrichtungen gehören Auslandsvertretungen (Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Österreich, Schweiz
und Luxemburg), einheimische sowie ausländische NGO’s, Stiftungen u.ä. zu potentiellen
Kooperationspartnern des Zentrums. Nicht zuletzt gehören akademische Organisationen und
Publikationen zu den leistungsbezogenen Intentionen.
"I. Internationaler Kongress zu türkisch-deutschen Studien" wird vom Forschungszentrum für
türkisch-deutsche Beziehungen der Hacettepe Universität (HÜTAİ) mit der Unterstützung des
Rektorats der Hacettepe-Universität, der Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, der Botschaft der
Bundesrepublik Deutschland und dem Deutschen Akademischen Austauschdienst (DAAD)
organisiert. Der Kongress findet vom 12. bis 13. November 2019 an der Hacettepe Universität auf
dem Beytepe Campus im Mehmet Akif Ersoy-Saal mit der Teilnahme von Akademikern aus der
Türkei und dem Ausland mit der Expertise in den Disziplinen Internationale Beziehungen,
Politikwissenschaft, Recht, Geschichte, Literatur und Soziologie statt. Der Hauptzweck dieses
hochrangigen Kongresses ist die Stärkung der Brücken der Freundschaft zwischen den beiden
Ländern. Die Eröffnungsreden des Kongresses werden vom Rektor der Hacettepe Universität,
Prof. Dr. Haluk Özen, dem Botschafter der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, seiner Exzellenz Martin
Erdmann, dem Türkei-Vertreter der Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Walter Glos und der Leiterin des
Deutschen Akademischen Austauschdienstes (DAAD) Ankara, Franziska Trepke gehalten. Der
Kongress wird in türkischer und deutscher Sprache durchgeführt. Eine simultane Übersetzung
wird zur Verfügung gestellt. Fragen und weitere Information können Sie entweder über die
Website www.hutai.hacettepe.edu.tr oder per e-mail an hutai@hacettepe.edu.tr erhalten. Den
aktuellen Kongressprogram finden Sie unter
http://fs.hacettepe.edu.tr/hutai/fotogaleri/Kongre%20Programı%20Almanca.pdf
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Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde, demokratik barış teorisinin yükselişe geçişiyle birlikte tüm dünyada demokrasiyi teşvik çabaları hız kazanmıştır. Demokrasinin dünya barışına katkıda bulunacağı dü-şüncesiyle hareket eden Batılı ve Batılı demokratik değerleri benimsemiş devletlerin bu tasavvurları, ütopyacı olmamakla beraber kalıcı barış için ne tek bir reçete ne de sonuçlara dair ortak bir fikir birliği mevcuttur. Bu çalışmada, demokrasiyi teşvik siyasetinin sorunlu yönleri, Avrupa Birliği ve Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nin Batı Balkanlardaki demokrasiyi teşvik siyasetinin karşılaştırmalı analizi üze-rinden ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır. Makalede demokrasiyi teşvik siyasetinin sorunlu yönleri; de-mokrasiyi teşvik uygulamasının doğası kaynaklı, demokrasiyi teşvik süreçlerini yürüten dış aktörlere özgün, ve demokrasinin teşvikinin hedef ülke ve bölgelerin nitelikleri veya koşulları kaynaklı olmak üzere üç kategoride değerlendirilmiştir.. Çalışmada, demokrasiyi teşvik eden dış aktörlerin, monolitik bakış açılarını devam ettirdikleri, sahadaki hassasiyetlere dikkat etmeksizin hareket ettikleri, demokra-siyi teşvik çabalarını senkronize etmedikleri ve sahadaki kültürel ve siyasi gerçekleri göz ardı ettikleri sürece problemlerin devam edeceği sonucuna varılmıştır.