Papers by Yalçın Sarıkaya
Turkish studies - social sciences, 2020
Justice and Development Party (JDP) is a party which remains the longest-running without coalitio... more Justice and Development Party (JDP) is a party which remains the longest-running without coalition that dominated the Turkish political life and Turkey's domestic and foreign policy at the beginning of the 21 st Century. Thus the foreign policy followed between the years 2002-2015 is to be examined in terms of its own in this regard both from the aspect of Turkey's close vicinity and Turkish political history. One of the most important case countries is Iran which is Turkey's biggest neighbor in terms of population and land area and which has been in competition, cooperation and conflict relations in historical sense with Turkey regarding the examined period. Iran has a quite different place standing upon reasons such as being home to one of the largest Turkish speaking population, being the region's most important one of the energy giants besides its ideological and geopolitical position etc. Within this work, the relations of Turkey with Iran have been analyzed through strategic, economic and geopolitical perspectives in those 13 years of period when the AK Party was ruling alone in parliamentary regime. Many issues have been mentioned such as the perception of the political tradition of the AK Party towards Iran, the general circumstances of the bilateral relations in the beginning of the period, Syrian civil war and nuclear deal crisis dimensions within the work. It is indicated that Turkey has provided critical supports to Iran during the 2009 Elections Crisis in Iran and West-Iran nuclear tension. And that's been found that two neighbor countries have been in a risky competition indirectly in Syria and Iraq until the failed 15 th July coup attempt despite the general pursuit of the direct bilateral relations.
Karadeniz Araştırmaları, 2011
The Military Conflict that widely known as South Ossetia War in the literature and which turned t... more The Military Conflict that widely known as South Ossetia War in the literature and which turned to a short term regional war but with important results, had been harmful for Georgia from various aspects. Besides economy, social life, domestic politics etc., Russia’s intervention and defeat of Tbilisi revealed doubts over Georgia’s West oriented foreign policy since 2004. Within this work, foreign policy followed by Saakashvili government since 2008 is investigated both regional and global dimensions. Within this context, besides the issues like US foreign policy towards the region and Georgia’s relations with its first and second circle neighbours, the domestic political dynamics were included in the research subjects as well.
Karadeniz Araştırmaları, 2010
Ukraine is an significant country not only from the aspect of the Black Sea Basin where it situat... more Ukraine is an significant country not only from the aspect of the Black Sea Basin where it situates, but also with its political characteristics effecting beyond the regional diameter. This does not stem directly from Ukraine’s power but from its distinguished geopolitical position. Ethnically-politically divided structure of the country has been the starting point for analysis on each election. The process known as “Orange Revolution” of 2004-2005 concluded with failure because of various reasons, and, anew raising of the “Blues” who connotes “Russia” against the “Oranges” is being observed. However, because of structural reasons, it became difficult for the farewell to Orange wind to convert the anti-West attitude an official policy. In this study, Ukraine victory of Russia is examined within the frame of progressing West-Russia strategic relations.
Karadeniz Arastirmalari Merkezi, 2019
Güney Kafkasya Bölgesi, Avrasya jeopolitiği bakımından kritik önemdedir. Bu bölge, silahlı çatışm... more Güney Kafkasya Bölgesi, Avrasya jeopolitiği bakımından kritik önemdedir. Bu bölge, silahlı çatışma ve siyasi uyuşmazlık alanlarının sunduğu riskler yanında Hazar havzasının hidrokarbon zenginliklerinden kaynaklanan fırsat ve imkânları da barındırmaktadır. Türkiye, topraklarının kuzeydoğusu, Güney Kafkasya’da olan bir bölge devletidir. Türkiye’nin Avrasya bölgesine ilişkin politikasının güvenlik ve enerji boyutları temel belirleyenlerdir. Bu, Azerbaycan için de aynen geçerlidir. Gürcistan için ise güvenlik ve ekonomi başlıkları öne çıkar. Bu üç devlet birbirleri ile 1990’ların başlangıcından beri sağlam ve çok boyutlu ikili ilişkiler geliştirmişlerdir. Ancak 2000’li yıllarda bu ilişkilere üçlü bir format da eklenmiştir. Türkiye-Gürcistan-Azerbaycan arasındaki üçlü işbirliği, sadece enerji nakil yolları, ulaşım ve ticaret konularından ibaret kalmamış, savunma ve güvenlik alanına da güçlü biçimde yansımıştır. Çalışmada, bu üç devlet arasındaki savunma/güvenlik alanındaki işbirliğinin boyutları araştırılmakta, bu işbirliğine dönük risk ve tehditler ortaya konmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, bir diğer Güney Kafkasya devleti olarak Ermenistan’ın tutumu, bölgenin kuzeyine sahip olan Rusya Federasyonu’nun bu ilişkiye bakışı gibi sorular üzerinde durulmaktadır. The South Caucasus has a critical importance from the aspect of Eurasian geopolitics. Besides the risks posed by armed conflicts and political disputes, this region also includes opportunities and chances arising from hydrocarbon richness of the Caspian basin. Turkey is a state of the region which has north east parts of its territories in South Caucasus. The energy and security dimensions of Turkey’s policy towards Eurasia are principal determinants. This is also true for Azerbaijan. For Georgia on the other hand, security and economy issues are prominent. Since the beginning of the 1990’s, these three states have developed solid and multidimensional bilateral relations with each other. However, a tripartite format has been added to these relations since 2000’s. Trilateral cooperation between Turkey-Georgia-Azerbaijan did not left only at energy transport routes, transportation and commerce but had reflections on defense and security dimensions. Within this work, the dimensions of the defense/security cooperation of those three states are being researched and the risks and threats to this cooperation is revealed. Within this context, questions such as the attitude of Armenia as another South Caucasian state and the view of the Russian Federation, which has the northern part of the region, are discussed.
Giresun Üniversitesi iktisadi ve idari bilimler fakültesi dergisi, Feb 26, 2021
2020 yılının sonunda yaşanan İkinci Karabağ Savaşı ile Azerbaycan 28 yıl boyunca Ermenistan'ın iş... more 2020 yılının sonunda yaşanan İkinci Karabağ Savaşı ile Azerbaycan 28 yıl boyunca Ermenistan'ın işgalinde kalmış olan topraklarını bu işgalden kurtarmak yönünde önemli bir kazanım elde etmiştir. Ateşkesi getiren Kasım 2020'deki mutabakat Rusya arabuluculuğunda imzalanmış, Türkiye ise bu mutabakat metninde belirtilmese de barış misyonunun gözetimi maksadıyla Karabağ'a asker gönderme imkânı elde etmiştir. Literatürde Güney Kafkasya'nın en önemli bölgesel aktörlerinden kabul edilen İran, bu savaş süresince izlediği siyaseti denge anlayışı ile izah etmeye çalışsa da, hem Azerbaycan kamuoyunun güçlü tepkisi ile karşılaşmış, hem kendi içindeki Türk nüfusun tepkisine maruz kalmış, hem de sonuca etki eden bir aktör olma imkânını yitirmiştir. Savaş başlayana kadarki İran resmi söylem ve yaklaşımı, savaşın başlamasıyla büyük bir testten geçmiş, İranlı yetkililerin ikilemler içeren, mütereddit ve şüphe içeren adımları Tahran'ın Azerbaycan'a ilişkin tutumundaki kusurları gün yüzüne çıkarmıştır. Bununla birlikte Azerbaycan'ın ve Türkiye'nin savaştan sonra ve tesis edilmesi muhtemel barışta İran'ı da bir paydaş olarak görmek istedikleri tespit edilmektedir.
DergiPark (Istanbul University), Dec 1, 2012
This study has been prepared as a part of the project titled "A Bibliography of Theses about Turc... more This study has been prepared as a part of the project titled "A Bibliography of Theses about Turcology and Black Sea in Russia up to now and Their Translation into Turkish of Turkey". It is an addition to the article published in the 15 th issue of Karadeniz Journal.
Der.) Osman Metin Öztürk, Yalçın Sarıkaya, …, 2005
Karadeniz Araştırmaları
Hidrokarbon kaynaklar bakımından zengin olmayan Türkiye’nin, zengin kaynak coğrafyalar ile enerji... more Hidrokarbon kaynaklar bakımından zengin olmayan Türkiye’nin, zengin kaynak coğrafyalar ile enerji müşterisi pazarlar arasındaki jeopolitik konumu, Türkiye için imkânlar sunmaktadır. Türk hükümetleri, bu gerçekten hareketle uzun bir süredir ülkeyi bir “enerji öbeği”ne çevirme hedefi açıklamaktadırlar. Bu yönde 1990’lardan itibaren atılan adımlar, 2000’li yıllarda yeni ve daha kapsamlı projelerle güçlendirilmiştir. Hidrokarbon kaynaklar içinde doğal gazın artan önemi, bu kaynak türüne yönelik talepteki yükselişten ileri gelmektedir. Türkiye’nin toplam enerji tüketiminde de, Avrupa’nın enerji tüketiminde de son otuz yılda doğal gazın payında istikrarlı ve önemli artış olmuştur. Bu da, ithalatçı tüm devletler için doğal gaz güvenliği meselesini öne çıkarmaktadır. Türkiye, jeopolitik konumundan kaynaklanan avantajını, bu ihtiyaç çerçevesinde somut çıktıya dönüştürmek üzere; yeni boru hatlarının inşasında paydaş olmak, bu hatların bir kısmına ev sahipliği yapmak, yeni doğal gaz antlaşmala...
Karadeniz Araştırmaları, 2022
Turkey may not rich in hydrocarbon resources; however, its geopolitical position offers it many o... more Turkey may not rich in hydrocarbon resources; however, its geopolitical position offers it many opportunities. Hence, the Turkish government has decided to turn Turkey into an “energy hub” – which, isn’t a new idea. Since the 1990s, it has gotten itself involved with many comprehensive projects, including strengthening older ones. Natural gas in particular holds great importance because of the shear demand for it – especially over the past 30 years, both in Turkey and Europe. This brings the issue of natural gas security to the fore for all importing states. Turkey needs to transform its geopolitical advantage into concrete output. To achieve that, it has become a stakeholder in the construction of new pipelines, hosted some of these lines, signed new natural gas agreements, and boosted its storage capacity – all with successful results. In the same breath, this has opened up new cooperation opportunities with Azerbaijan and Russia when it comes to supply security, and using Europe as a transit corridor. Now, Turkey has its heart set on becoming an energy cluster. This study will examine all of that, and more.
Kamu Yönetimi Enstitüsü Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi Institute of Public Administration Journal of Social Sciences, 2022
Although the term Turkestan has been used for a wider geography in history, it narrowly defines t... more Although the term Turkestan has been used for a wider geography in history, it narrowly defines the region consisting of five states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Tajikistan) that gained their independence from the USSR. This region was under the administration of various Turkish states and khanates until the 19 th century, and from the 19 th century it was the subject of the struggle between the Russian Tsardom and British Empire. Moscow's dominance in the region was shaken at the beginning of the 20th century, but consolidated with the USSR. After the
Soviet domination that lasted until 1991, the US-centred Western world took
an interest in the region again, and this interest in the region strongly
influenced the related Western literature. Among them, the names that
prioritized the USA’s Eurasian presence for the American foreign policy draw attention. Zbigniew Brzezinski, a former US National Security Advisor, makes various predictions and evaluations with the excitement of the possibility of an extra-regional power, namely the US, to be effective in the region for the first time in his work called “The Grand Chessboard”. A quarter of a century has passed since the publishment of this work, and during this time, many changes have occurred in Eurasia. Turkestan, or as he put it, Central Asia also has an important place in the perspective of Brzezinski, who passed away in 2017. The re-evaluation of the work of the author, who sees Eurasia as the most important geopolitical award for the USA, after a quarter of a century, with a focus on Turkestan, will contribute to the perspective of the researchers of the region.
Giresun Universitesi IIBF Dergisi, 2021
With the Second Karabakh War that took place at the end of 2020,
Azerbaijan achieved an important... more With the Second Karabakh War that took place at the end of 2020,
Azerbaijan achieved an important gain in liberating its territories, which
had been occupied by Armenia for 28 years, from this occupation. The
cease-fire agreement has been signed under Russia’s mediation in
November 2020. Although was not mentioned in this memorandum text,
Turkey has achieved the purpose of the possibility of sending troops to
Karabakh for supervision of the peacekeeping mission. Considered as one
of the most important regional actors of the South Caucasus in the
literature, Iran tried to explain its policy during this war with an
understanding of balance, but it was faced with the strong reaction of the Azerbaijani public, and it was subjected to the reaction of the Azerbaijani Turkish population within itself and has lost the possibility of being an actor that has an effect on the result. Iran’s official rhetoric and approach until the start of the war have passed a great test with the start of the war, and the dilemma, hesitant and suspicious steps of the Iranian authorities have brought to light the flaws in Tehran’s attitude towards Azerbaijan. However, both Azerbaijan and Turkey show their tendencies to see Iran as a stakeholder after this war and in the process of possibly constructed peace.
Turkish Studies - Social Sciences, 2020
Justice and Development Party (JDP) is a party which remains the longest-running without coalitio... more Justice and Development Party (JDP) is a party which remains the longest-running without coalition that dominated the Turkish political life and Turkey's domestic and foreign policy at the beginning of the 21st Century. Thus the foreign policy followed between the years 2002-2015 is to be examined in terms of its own in this regard both from the aspect of Turkey’s close vicinity and Turkish political history. One of the most important case countries is Iran which is Turkey’s biggest neighbor in terms of population and land area and which has been in competition, cooperation and conflict relations in historical sense with Turkey regarding the examined period. Iran has a quite different place standing upon reasons such as being home to one of the largest Turkish speaking population, being the region’s most important one of the energy giants besides its ideological and geopolitical position etc. Within this work, the relations of Turkey with Iran have been analyzed through strategic, economic and geopolitical perspectives in those 13 years of period when the AK Party was ruling alone in parliamentary regime. Many issues have been mentioned such as the perception of the political tradition of the AK Party towards Iran, the general circumstances of the bilateral relations in the beginning of the period, Syrian civil war and nuclear deal crisis dimensions within the work. It is indicated that Turkey has provided critical supports to Iran during the 2009 Elections Crisis in Iran and WestIran nuclear tension. And that’s been found that two neighbor countries have been in a risky competition indirectly in Syria and Iraq until the failed 15th July coup attempt despite the general pursuit of the direct bilateral relations.
Karadeniz Araştırmaları (Journal of the Black Sea Studies, 2019
Güney Kafkasya Bölgesi, Avrasya jeopolitiği bakımından kritik önemdedir. Bu bölge, silahlı çatışm... more Güney Kafkasya Bölgesi, Avrasya jeopolitiği bakımından kritik önemdedir. Bu bölge, silahlı çatışma ve siyasi uyuşmazlık alanlarının sunduğu riskler yanında Hazar havzasının hidrokarbon zenginliklerinden kaynaklanan fırsat ve imkânları da barındırmaktadır. Türkiye, topraklarının kuzeydoğusu, Güney Kafkasya’da olan bir bölge devletidir. Türkiye’nin Avrasya bölgesine ilişkin politikasının güvenlik ve enerji boyutları temel belirleyenlerdir. Bu, Azerbaycan için de aynen geçerlidir. Gürcistan için ise güvenlik ve ekonomi başlıkları öne çıkar. Bu üç devlet birbirleri ile 1990’ların başlangıcından beri sağlam ve çok boyutlu ikili ilişkiler geliştirmişlerdir. Ancak 2000’li yıllarda bu ilişkilere üçlü bir format da eklenmiştir. Türkiye-Gürcistan-Azerbaycan arasındaki üçlü işbirliği, sadece enerji nakil yolları, ulaşım ve ticaret konularından ibaret kalmamış, savunma ve güvenlik alanına da güçlü biçimde yansımıştır. Çalışmada, bu üç devlet arasındaki savunma/güvenlik alanındaki işbirliğinin boyutları araştırılmakta, bu işbirliğine dönük risk ve tehditler ortaya konmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, bir diğer Güney Kafkasya devleti olarak Ermenistan’ın tutumu, bölgenin kuzeyine sahip olan Rusya Federasyonu’nun bu ilişkiye bakışı gibi sorular üzerinde durulmaktadır.
The South Caucasus has a critical importance from the aspect of Eurasian geopolitics. Besides the
risks posed by armed conflicts and political disputes, this region also includes opportunities and
chances arising from hydrocarbon richness of the Caspian basin. Turkey is a state of the region
which has north east parts of its territories in South Caucasus. The energy and security dimensions
of Turkey’s policy towards Eurasia are principal determinants. This is also true for Azerbaijan. For Georgia on the other hand, security and economy issues are prominent. Since the beginning of the 1990’s, these three states have developed solid and multidimensional bilateral relations with each other. However, a tripartite format has been added to these relations since 2000’s. Trilateral cooperation between Turkey-Georgia-Azerbaijan did not left only at energy transport routes,
transportation and commerce but had reflections on defense and security dimensions. Within this work, the dimensions of the defense/security cooperation of those three states are being researched and the risks and threats to this cooperation is revealed. Within this context, questions such as the attitude of Armenia as another South Caucasian state and the view of the Russian Federation, which has the northern part of the region, are discussed.
Düşünce Dünyasında Türkiz, 2018
Küreselleşme süreci ülkelerin güvenlik algılarının genişlemesine ve derinleşmesine neden olmuştur... more Küreselleşme süreci ülkelerin güvenlik algılarının genişlemesine ve derinleşmesine neden olmuştur. Böylece güvenlik kavramı askerî olmanın ötesine taşınmış artık devletlerin güvenliği ekonomi güvenliği, çevre güvenliği, enerji güvenliği gibi alanların bütünsel güvenliği neticesinde sağlanır bir hal almıştır. Bu durumda enerji olmadan yaşamımızı sürdüremeyecek düzeye geldiğimiz günümüz dünyasında enerji güvenliği, devletlerin üzerinde önemle durdukları bir güvenlik alanı olarak belirmektedir. Enerji kaynaklarının dağılımı bölgeler ve ülkeler arasında farklılık göstermektedir. Yeterli enerjiye sahip olmayan ülkelerin ihtiyaçları doğrultusunda enerji kaynaklarından faydalanmak istemeleri sonucu enerjinin taşınması faaliyeti gündeme gelmiştir. Kritik enerji altyapıları enerji naklinin neticesi ve enerji güvenliğinin önemli bir boyutudur. Bu altyapıların risk ve tehditlere oldukça açık olmaları korunmaları için çeşitli önlemlerin alınmasını gerektirmektedir. Bu bağlamda her ülke kadar Türkiye için de önemli olan kritik enerji altyapısı güvenliği bu çalışmanın kapsamını oluşturmaktadır.
Yeni Türkiye Yıl.10, S.56 "Yeni Türkiye Özel Sayısı", 2014
Bu çalışma 2014 yılı başı itibariyle Türkiye'nin yakın çevresinde meydana gelen kritik dış politi... more Bu çalışma 2014 yılı başı itibariyle Türkiye'nin yakın çevresinde meydana gelen kritik dış politika olaylarından kaynaklanan risk ve tehditleri konu edinmektedir. 2000'li yıllarda izlenen dış politikanın kusurlu yönlerine dikkat çekmekte, toplumsal ve kurumsal iç bütünlüğe vurguda bulunmaktadır. Çalışma özellikle, Güney Kafkasya, Karadeniz havzası, Ortadoğu alanlarındaki kırılganlıkların Türkiye'ye tesiri üzerinde durmaktadır.
Ukrayna, sadece bulunduğu Karadeniz havzası açısından değil bölge çapının ötesinde etkiler doğura... more Ukrayna, sadece bulunduğu Karadeniz havzası açısından değil bölge çapının ötesinde etkiler doğuran politik özellikleri ile önemli bir ülkedir. Bu, doğrudan Ukrayna’nın gücünden değil, ayrıcalıklı jeopolitiğinden kaynaklanmaktadır. Ülkenin etnik-siyasal bölünmüşlük arz eden yapısı her seçimde analizlerin temel çıkış noktasını oluşturmaktadır. “Turuncu Devrim” olarak bilinen 2004-2005 süreci, çeşitli nedenlerle başarısızlıkla sonuçlanmış, ülkede “Turuncuların” karşısında Rusya’yı çağrıştıran “Mavi”lerin yeniden yükselişi gözlenmiştir. Bununla birlikte, Batı’dan esen Turuncu rüzgâra vedanın mutlak bir Batı karşıtlığını resmi politika haline getirmesi yapısal nedenlerle zorlaşmıştır. Bu çalışmada Rusya’nın Ukrayna zaferi, enerji mecburiyetiyle gelişen Batı-Rusya stratejik ilişkileri çerçevesinde değerlendirilmektedir.Ukraine is an significant country not only from the aspect of the Black Sea Basin where it situates, but also with its political characteristics effecting beyond the region...
Karadeniz Araştırmaları , 2011
The Military Conflict that widely known as South Ossetia War in the literature and which turned t... more The Military Conflict that widely known as South Ossetia War in the literature and which turned to a short term regional war but with important results, had been harmful for Georgia from various aspects. Besides economy, social life, domestic politics etc., Russia's intervention and defeat of Tbilisi revealed doubts over Georgia's West oriented foreign policy since 2004. Within this work, foreign policy followed by Saakashvili government since 2008 is investigated both regional and global dimensions. Within this context, besides the issues like US foreign policy towards the region and Georgia's relations with its first and second circle neighbours, the domestic political dynamics were included in the research subjects as well.
Bu calisma “Gecmisten Gunumuze Rusya’da Karadeniz ve Turkoloji Ile Ilgili Tezler Bibliyografyasi ... more Bu calisma “Gecmisten Gunumuze Rusya’da Karadeniz ve Turkoloji Ile Ilgili Tezler Bibliyografyasi ve Bunlarin Ozetlerinin Turkiye Turkcesine Cevrilmesi” projesi kapsaminda hazirlanmistir. Calisma, Lenin Adian Rusya Milli Kutuphanesi ve HIMKI adlarindaki iki kutuphanede yapilmistir. Tezler; hazirlayanlarin soyadlarina gore siralandirilmistir. Katalog, tezleri hazirlayanlarin soyadi, adi, tezin adi, tezin kariyeri, tezin bilim alani, tezin hazirlatan kurum adi – yeri ve yili, tezin savunuldugu yer ve yil, tezin danismani, tezin jurileri, tezin dili, tezin sayfa sayisi, ve Ruscasi sirasiyla gosterilmistir. Calismanin tamami bu kadar degildir. Burada 261 kandidatlik ve 61 doktota tezi verilmistir. Giris kisminda Moskova, Moskovadaki kutuphanelerde calisma durumu ile calisma sekli hakkinda bilgi verilmistir.
KARAM Karadeniz Araştırmaları, 2010
Karadeniz, 2012
This study has been prepared as a part of the project titled “A Bibliography of Thesis about Turc... more This study has been prepared as a part of the project titled “A Bibliography of Thesis about Turcology and Black Sea in Russia up to now and Their Translation into Turkish of Turkey”. It is an addition to the article published in the 15th issue of Karadeniz Journal.
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Papers by Yalçın Sarıkaya
Soviet domination that lasted until 1991, the US-centred Western world took
an interest in the region again, and this interest in the region strongly
influenced the related Western literature. Among them, the names that
prioritized the USA’s Eurasian presence for the American foreign policy draw attention. Zbigniew Brzezinski, a former US National Security Advisor, makes various predictions and evaluations with the excitement of the possibility of an extra-regional power, namely the US, to be effective in the region for the first time in his work called “The Grand Chessboard”. A quarter of a century has passed since the publishment of this work, and during this time, many changes have occurred in Eurasia. Turkestan, or as he put it, Central Asia also has an important place in the perspective of Brzezinski, who passed away in 2017. The re-evaluation of the work of the author, who sees Eurasia as the most important geopolitical award for the USA, after a quarter of a century, with a focus on Turkestan, will contribute to the perspective of the researchers of the region.
Azerbaijan achieved an important gain in liberating its territories, which
had been occupied by Armenia for 28 years, from this occupation. The
cease-fire agreement has been signed under Russia’s mediation in
November 2020. Although was not mentioned in this memorandum text,
Turkey has achieved the purpose of the possibility of sending troops to
Karabakh for supervision of the peacekeeping mission. Considered as one
of the most important regional actors of the South Caucasus in the
literature, Iran tried to explain its policy during this war with an
understanding of balance, but it was faced with the strong reaction of the Azerbaijani public, and it was subjected to the reaction of the Azerbaijani Turkish population within itself and has lost the possibility of being an actor that has an effect on the result. Iran’s official rhetoric and approach until the start of the war have passed a great test with the start of the war, and the dilemma, hesitant and suspicious steps of the Iranian authorities have brought to light the flaws in Tehran’s attitude towards Azerbaijan. However, both Azerbaijan and Turkey show their tendencies to see Iran as a stakeholder after this war and in the process of possibly constructed peace.
The South Caucasus has a critical importance from the aspect of Eurasian geopolitics. Besides the
risks posed by armed conflicts and political disputes, this region also includes opportunities and
chances arising from hydrocarbon richness of the Caspian basin. Turkey is a state of the region
which has north east parts of its territories in South Caucasus. The energy and security dimensions
of Turkey’s policy towards Eurasia are principal determinants. This is also true for Azerbaijan. For Georgia on the other hand, security and economy issues are prominent. Since the beginning of the 1990’s, these three states have developed solid and multidimensional bilateral relations with each other. However, a tripartite format has been added to these relations since 2000’s. Trilateral cooperation between Turkey-Georgia-Azerbaijan did not left only at energy transport routes,
transportation and commerce but had reflections on defense and security dimensions. Within this work, the dimensions of the defense/security cooperation of those three states are being researched and the risks and threats to this cooperation is revealed. Within this context, questions such as the attitude of Armenia as another South Caucasian state and the view of the Russian Federation, which has the northern part of the region, are discussed.
Soviet domination that lasted until 1991, the US-centred Western world took
an interest in the region again, and this interest in the region strongly
influenced the related Western literature. Among them, the names that
prioritized the USA’s Eurasian presence for the American foreign policy draw attention. Zbigniew Brzezinski, a former US National Security Advisor, makes various predictions and evaluations with the excitement of the possibility of an extra-regional power, namely the US, to be effective in the region for the first time in his work called “The Grand Chessboard”. A quarter of a century has passed since the publishment of this work, and during this time, many changes have occurred in Eurasia. Turkestan, or as he put it, Central Asia also has an important place in the perspective of Brzezinski, who passed away in 2017. The re-evaluation of the work of the author, who sees Eurasia as the most important geopolitical award for the USA, after a quarter of a century, with a focus on Turkestan, will contribute to the perspective of the researchers of the region.
Azerbaijan achieved an important gain in liberating its territories, which
had been occupied by Armenia for 28 years, from this occupation. The
cease-fire agreement has been signed under Russia’s mediation in
November 2020. Although was not mentioned in this memorandum text,
Turkey has achieved the purpose of the possibility of sending troops to
Karabakh for supervision of the peacekeeping mission. Considered as one
of the most important regional actors of the South Caucasus in the
literature, Iran tried to explain its policy during this war with an
understanding of balance, but it was faced with the strong reaction of the Azerbaijani public, and it was subjected to the reaction of the Azerbaijani Turkish population within itself and has lost the possibility of being an actor that has an effect on the result. Iran’s official rhetoric and approach until the start of the war have passed a great test with the start of the war, and the dilemma, hesitant and suspicious steps of the Iranian authorities have brought to light the flaws in Tehran’s attitude towards Azerbaijan. However, both Azerbaijan and Turkey show their tendencies to see Iran as a stakeholder after this war and in the process of possibly constructed peace.
The South Caucasus has a critical importance from the aspect of Eurasian geopolitics. Besides the
risks posed by armed conflicts and political disputes, this region also includes opportunities and
chances arising from hydrocarbon richness of the Caspian basin. Turkey is a state of the region
which has north east parts of its territories in South Caucasus. The energy and security dimensions
of Turkey’s policy towards Eurasia are principal determinants. This is also true for Azerbaijan. For Georgia on the other hand, security and economy issues are prominent. Since the beginning of the 1990’s, these three states have developed solid and multidimensional bilateral relations with each other. However, a tripartite format has been added to these relations since 2000’s. Trilateral cooperation between Turkey-Georgia-Azerbaijan did not left only at energy transport routes,
transportation and commerce but had reflections on defense and security dimensions. Within this work, the dimensions of the defense/security cooperation of those three states are being researched and the risks and threats to this cooperation is revealed. Within this context, questions such as the attitude of Armenia as another South Caucasian state and the view of the Russian Federation, which has the northern part of the region, are discussed.
ve entelektüel beslenmeye takviyede bulunmak, kazanımlarıyla birlikte
Cumhuriyetimizi yarınlara daha güçlü bir şekilde taşımak ve ilelebet pâyidar kılmak inanç ve iradesiyle kalıcı eserler oluşturmayı amaçladık. Bu
doğrultuda, Türkiye’nin tarihî ve kültürel müktesebatını, bölgesel ve küresel gelişmeleri ve ülkemizin önünde duran fırsat ve riskleri göz ardı etmeden gelecek vizyonu oluşturabilecek yeni fikir ve politikaları gün ışığına
çıkarmak gayesiyle, “Cumhuriyetin 100. Yılı” adında bir kitap dizisi oluşturarak Türkiye’nin bir asırlık gelişim sürecini tahlil etmeye gayret ettik.
Odak noktası “Lider Ülke Türkiye” vizyonu olmak üzere, Türk tarih ve
kültür hayatına, siyasî, askerî ve hukukî alana ilişkin gelişmeler, dış politika, güvenlik, ekonomik ve sosyal sektörler gibi farklı disiplinlerde alanında uzmanlaşmış akademisyenlerce hazırlanan makalelerden oluşan
kitaplarımızda; tarihî süreç analizi yanında daha gelişmiş, müreffeh bir
Türkiye’ye erişilmesini ve ülkemizin küresel ölçekte belirleyici olmasını
mümkün kılacak yeni fikir ve politikalar da irdelenmiştir.
However the attitudes of the 3rd parties were not neglected as well.
years, are important to bring about changes not only in the South Caucasus but also in the whole of the Caspian-Black Sea basin geopolitics. For this reason, it is important to examine the attitudes and approaches of both regional actors and non-regional actors during the
operation. It is considered that Azerbaijan, which has shown patience for the solution of the problem through peaceful means for a long time, but could not achieve any result, could allow the establishment of a lasting peace in the region if Azerbaijan regained its lands
through war. It seems inevitable that the Yerevan administration, which does not give up its policy despite its domestic economic, social, political problems and being ousted from the geopolitical lines built in the region due to its occupation policy, will face a heavier bill at the end of the day. However, Armenia’s construction of a new policy that is in harmony with the new situation may serve to establish peace throughout Eurasia, especially in the Caucasus region. For this reason, the official discourses of all third-party actors in the process, their diplomatic, political, economic and security-based relations with Azerbaijan and Armenia,
which are the warring parties, and the way the issue is handled in the national media of those were included in the analysis as meaningful measures. The study includes comments on how the states of the region view the future of peace and stability in the Caucasus with
the analyzes made with these tools.
ülkesi anlamında Gürcistan sözü, Türk dilinde bu coğrafyayı tanımlamak üzere her zaman kullanılmıştır. Türklerde “Gürcü” imgesi olumlu ve dostane bir içeriğe sahip olduğundandır ki, “Gürcü” Türkçede bir kız ismi
olarak kullanılmış ve halen kullanılmaktadır. Gürcistan’ın başkenti olan Tiflis, adeta Kafkasya’nın merkezi olma hüviyetine sahip olmuş, Kafkasya’nın tarihindeki pek çok önemli olay bu şehirde cereyan etmiştir. Bugün bile dimdik ayakta duran Narınkala ve eski Tiflis, Türk kültür ve mimarisinin en çarpıcı örneklerini oluşturur. Gürcistan coğrafyası neredeyse bütünüyle; bir taraftan Anadolu/Türk bir taraftan da Azerbaycan/Türk kültürü ile iç içe olmuştur. Osmanlı-Rus Savaşlarıyla birlikte Gürcistan bir rekabet ve mücadele sahnesine dönüşmüş, bu
savaşlar süresinde ve sonrasında Gürcistan’dan (bilhassa Batum ve çevresinden) Anadolu’ya yoğun bir Müslüman göçü yaşanmıştır. Türkiye’de başta Karadeniz vilayetleri olmak üzere pek çok ilde bu muhaceretin torunları Türk millî kimliğini benimsemiş bireyler olarak yaklaşık 150 yıldır yaşarlar. 1991 yılında Gürcistan’ın bağımsız olmasından sonra, Türkiye’nin Sovyetler Birliği ile olan kara sınırının çok önemli bir kısmı Türkiye-Gürcistan sınırı haline gelmiştir. Keza, Karadeniz’de, denizden komşu luk/sınırdaşlık da söz konusudur. Bu itibarla, iki devlet arasındaki ilişkiler çeyrek asrı geride bırakmıştır. Bu ilişkiler diplomasiden ekonomiye, kültür ve sanattan savunma ve güvenlik konularına kadar geniş bir içeriğe sahiptir. Türkiye-Gürcistan kara sınır kapısı olan “Sarp” Türkiye’nin en işlek sınır kapılarından birisi haline gelmiş, Gürcistan, son birkaç yıldır Türk turistlerin en yoğun destinasyonuna dönüşmüştür. Gürcistan’ı Türkiye için önemli kılan hususların başında coğrafya gelir denilebilir zira, Gürcistan, Türkiye’nin Kafkasya ve Türkistan’a açılan kapısı niteliğindedir. Benzer bir durum Gürcistan için de geçerlidir. Çünkü gerek bağımsızlığın ilk yıllarında gerekse kuzeyde ciddi sıkıntılar yaşadığı Rusya yolunun “tıkanması” sonrasında Türkiye, bu ülke için Batı’ya (bir diğer deyişle Dünyaya) açılan kapı niteliğinde olmuştur. Ayrıca, Güney Kafkasya’nın nüfus, coğrafya ve milli gelir bakımından en büyük devleti olan Azerbaycan’ın Türkiye ile olan çok özel ilişkileri de Gürcistan ve Türkiye için başlı başına bir esas sebep olarak değerlendirilmelidir. Gürcistan, Post-Sovyet coğrafyada yaşanan tipik ayrılıkçılık ve etnik çatışma örneklerinin iki tanesini son derece ileri düzeyde ve iki defa fiili savaş hali ile yaşamış bir devlettir. Bugün literatürde Abhazya ve Osetya sorunları (Gürcüler Osetya Sorununu Çinvali Sorunu olarak tanımlama konusunda son derece ısrarcıdırlar) olarak bilinen uyuşmazlıklar, Gürcistan’ın diğer bölge ve bölge dışı aktörlerle ilişkileri açısından belirleyici unsurlar olmuştur. Türkiye, açık ve kararlı bir prensip olarak devletlerin egemenliklerine ve toprak bütünlüklerine saygıyı benimsemiş, bu iki sorunda da Gürcistan’ın toprak bütünlüğü ve uyuşmazlığın barışçıl yollarla çözümü üzerinde durmuştur. Abhazya’daki Abhazlardan kat kat fazla olan Türkiye’deki Abhaz kökenlilerin hassasiyetleri ile komşusu Gürcistan’ın egemenliği, karşılıklı iyi ilişkiler, jeopolitik değer vb. hususları dengeli ama ilkeli bir biçimde sürdürme gayreti içinde olmuştur. Ağustos 2008 Savaşı’nda Rusya’nın bu ülkeye tecavüzüne karşı siyasi/diplomatik olarak Tiflis’in yanında pozisyon almıştır. İki devlet arasında zaman zaman Karadeniz’deki balıkçılık faaliyetleri nedeniyle sorunlar yaşanmış, zaman zaman da Türkiye’nin Rusya ile ilişkilerinin Karadeniz jeopolitiğindeki belirleyiciliğinin Gürcü tarafında doğurduğu endişe hissedilmiştir. Ancak her iki devlet de ilişkilerin çok boyutlu gelişiminden yana tutumlarını –iktidarlardan/yöneticilerden bağımsız olarak- devlet politikası düzeyinde sürdüregelmişlerdir. Bu çalışmada; 27 yılı geride bırakan iki komşu devletin ilişkileri, mukayeseli bir bakış açısıyla, meselâ diğer Güney Kafkasya devletleri olan Ermenistan ve Azerbaycan veya ABD, Rusya, İran gibi aktörlerle kıyaslanarak, keza, yıllar itibariyle muhtelif veriler kriz/gerginlik dönemleri dikkate alınmak suretiyle, tarihsel bir bağlamda analiz edilecektir. Keza, yer yer ilişkilerin iktisadi-ticari boyutları ile savunma-güvenlik boyutları veya diplomatik-siyasi boyutları mukayeseli olarak incelenecektir.
Abstract
Kazakhstan, which owns the 9th largest territory of the world, a quite critical geopolitical position and underground treasures notably hydrocarbons is a Turkestan republic that makes progress in stability within its region since its independence. Under the context of regional and global contestation towards Eurasian geography after the 1990’s, it has not been not easy to construct and conduct a balanced foreign policy either with global actors like Russia, China, US or with other neighbouring or regional actors. Kazakhstan, has made serious efforts to put into practice the material and nonmaterial dimensions of “nation building” on the one hand and to take a valuable position in the international system on the other. Within this scope it has played a pioneering role in conflict resolution/mediation initiatives those beginning from solution suggestions to typical conflicts of Post Soviet world and went on Syrian crisis which is on the world’s top agenda. It can be seen that those steps which have taken during founding and former President Nursultan Nazarbayev’s era are successful when compared with equivalent initiatives. In this respect, within beneficiation from diplomacy in this way as a tool of foreign policy, analysis of mentioned initiatives should surely be useful for international relations discipline especially in the field of Eurasian researches.
Abstract: The Caspian Sea is a center of a geopolitical basin both because of the rich hydrocarbon resources in or around it, and that it is one of the fundamental determiners of Eurasia. The legal status of this sea was based on an agreement between Iran and USSR until the collapse of the Soviet Union. However after the increase of the number of the littoral states to five after the Soviet disintegration, lots of issues became contradictive at first the legal status of the sea. The discussions over the status of and beneficiation from the Caspian Sea concern not only the littorals but also many other states who deal for the exportation of the product of hydrocarbon reserves moreover even the companies those have investments on these fields. Besides, that is a fact that the issue becomes much more complicated through one of the littorals has an allegation to be a global actor namely Russian Federation and another is Iran who claims to be a regional power center that has very strained relations with the US. The five littoral countries (Russian Federation, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Iran and Turkmenistan) those convened at the Fifth Caspian Summit on 12th August 2018 in Aktau of Kazakhstan have signed a document entitled “The Convention of the Legal Status of The Caspian”. Many comments are being made on the content of this document, the reservations of the signing parties, those what they understand from it, besides, meaning of this consensus from global and regional aspects. Countries such as Turkey who sees to be one of the main destinations in energy transmission lines of the Caspian as an aim in her energy policy, the status of Caspian and the content of the latest consensus is vitally important. Within this work, the content of the August 2018 Caspian Convention is being analyzed from legal perspective. Furthermore, both this consensus and the mentioned document is analyzed through political and geopolitical framework.
Within this work, it is aimed to dwell on notions of security risks in the West Black Sea basin and to evaluate the possible contributions those can be made by Gagauz people in contrary to those risks.
economies differ in their size, institutional characteristics and integration perspectives, are
facing vastly different problems, and find themselves at different levels of development. The
economic performance of the region during the 1990s was highly unstable, and even the
countries which were spared from internal conflicts did not fare much better than the rest.
However, from 2000 to the latest global crisis, the region has enjoyed a fairly rapid economic
recovery accompanied by welcome structural changes, although the labour market situation
and social conditions in general are still very difficult. The economic data and improving
socio-economic indicators, at least until the onset of the global financial crisis, demonstrated
that this was, and hence could be again, one of the fastest growing regions of the world.
However, wide ranging disparities among and within the states of the region remain
As a superpower both in Cold War and Post Cold War era, U.S.experienced several wars in different regions. In this cases, nearly all of the enemy side in front of the U.S.were not as “enemies” as Iran in rhetoric. During the ongoing disputes on Iran’s nuclear program, the history of this relation is so important to understand the situation. The impacts of regional and global political conjuncture, the military/technical dimension of those confrontations, results and reflections on global mass media are to be examined in order to analyze them.
to re-emerge, various activities have been undertaken to solve the problem or to stop the conflict. Since the problem was an internal matter
of the Soviet Union (USSR) until the end of 1991, it would be more
accurate to evaluate the activities aimed at preventing the escalation
of tensions as an attempt by the Moscow administration to keep the
problem under control rather than mediation. For this reason, the attempts of the USSR during its dissolution phase can be defined as the
first mediation efforts.
Since September 1991, some states and regional and international
organizations both started to take initiatives toward the solution of the
Karabakh problem. In this context, the regional states Russia, Turkey,
Iran, and Georgia suggested mediation. Among them, the proposals of
Russia and Iran were accepted; Turkey’s proposal was constantly rejected by Armenia, while Georgia’s was not taken seriously. The mediation
initiative of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) has been the longest-running and most heavily institutionalized among the initiatives of international organizations. Within this
framework, the Minsk process began and, in time, the Minsk Group
and its co-chairs came to the fore. In this study, the history of the
attempts to solve the Karabakh problem, the plans offered by the mediator states and international organizations, and the reasons for the
failure of the efforts are discussed.
Milliyetçi-Ülkücü çizginin Türkiye siyasetindeki temsilcisi olan MHP'nin gerek hükümet etme sorumluluğu taşımadığı gerekse bu sorumluluğu koalisyon ortağı olarak taşıdığı dönemlerde, dış politikada Türkiye'nin Kıbrıs, AB tam üyeliği, Türk dünyası, uluslararası terörizmle mücadele, Ermeni meselesi, Ortadoğu sorunları gibi konularda tavizsiz bir duruşu temsil ve teşvik ettiği tespitinde bulunulmaktadır.