Books by Rostyslav Oreshko
Papers by Rostyslav Oreshko
It is not clear to me on what count is based Obrador-Cursach's statement (2020a, 38) that the let... more It is not clear to me on what count is based Obrador-Cursach's statement (2020a, 38) that the letter no. 20 'occurs twenty-three times in twenty-one different inscriptions'. Somewhat further in the text he mentions only 17 inscriptions (erroneously citing NW-121 twice), including those featuring .
The article presents a detailed philological and linguistic commentary on the Phrygian (Mysian) i... more The article presents a detailed philological and linguistic commentary on the Phrygian (Mysian) inscription discovered in 2021 at Gordion (§§ 1–18). The final part (§ 19) offers observations on the ethnolinguistic and sociolinguistic background of the text which can be associated with the region of Pergamon in Mysia.
The first part of the present contribution (§§ 1–4) discusses the phonetic reading of the name st... more The first part of the present contribution (§§ 1–4) discusses the phonetic reading of the name standing behind the spelling *475-la(URBS) found in KARKAMIŠ A6, §5, presenting epigraphical and etymological observations which corroborate its earlier interpretation as Babylon. The second part of the paper examines different passages of the inscriptions of Yarris which may be connected with his “fame in Babylon”: §5 discusses KARKAMIŠ A15b, §21, arguing that it mentions diplomatic missions with which Yarris was sent to different countries, while §6 suggests the identification of the staff held by Yarris on the relief KARKAMIŠ A7 as a messenger’s wand. In §§ 7–9 it is argued that the titles of Yarris mentioned in KARKAMIŠ A6, §1 can be interpreted as “righteous regent” and “envoy/ambassador”. In §10 it is suggested that in the clause KARKAMIŠ A15b, §17 Yarris claims to have healed the children of Astiruwas from “crippled-ness”, which implies that he might have possessed some elements of medical knowledge.
Belleten, 2023
This article contains the first publication of a newly discovered inscription from Gordion which ... more This article contains the first publication of a newly discovered inscription from Gordion which is written in Phrygian and probably dates to early reign of Antiochus I. The inscribed slab appears to have formed part of a funerary monument which is associated with a man named Parsaparnas who probably was a member of the Persian nobility originating from the region of Pergamon in Mysia and commanded a Pergamene military contingent deployed by Antiochus in the region of Gordion. This is the first and, so far, the only inscription known to mention the city of Gordion by name. After an introduction sketching out the situation at Gordion in the Hellenistic period, the article presents in turn a description of the stone (§1), a detailed commentary on the epigraphical features of the inscription (§ §2-4) and a concise philological discussion (§5), followed by a translation (§6), comments on the geographical and ethnocultural background of the text (§ §7-8), the nature of the associated monument (§9), and finally, conclusions about its date and historical context (§10)
The paper offers a new analysis of the passage of the Xanthos trilingual containing a detailed de... more The paper offers a new analysis of the passage of the Xanthos trilingual containing a detailed description of the military exploits of the author of the inscription (TL 44a, 41-55). The first part (§ §1-2) discusses the overall structure of the passage and the meaning of the key term of the text, hãtahe, for which an interpretation 'victory' (gen. sg.) is proposed. The subsequent paragraphs discuss separate words and particularities of the syntax of the passage. The new proposals include, among others: tupelija-'script, writing(s)', tupa 'images, reliefs', axa-'deed, exploit', ahata-'foundation, platform' (§3); hẽmen-'shooting, hunting' (§3); terñ 'when' (adverb with temporal function) (§4); zẽmtija 'formidable' (§5); nele 'acropolis' (§5); ese … tebe-/taba-'join with' (§6); tarbi = trbbi 'against' (§7); hbãt-'hoplite' (§8); uwe 'day' (§8). The most important historical implications of the new analysis concern Trbbẽnimi and Xerẽi, who are argued to be allies (not enemies) of the author, as well as Herikle, who is identified as a governor (sehaxlaza-) of Kaunos, connected with the Persian king. The resulting translation of the text is proposed in §11.
Historical Linguistics
The paper addresses several issues concerning interpretation of two Hiero- glyphic-Luwian inscrip... more The paper addresses several issues concerning interpretation of two Hiero- glyphic-Luwian inscriptions from Cilicia (the KARATEPE and ÇİNEKÖY bilinguals). It is suggested that ÇİNEKÖY §§ 8–10 (new numbering) describes drainage of marshlands, with the hieroglyphic combination FONS.*311 concealing luliyasḫa- ‘marshland’. A si- milar interpretation can be further proposed for KARATEPE §§ 11–13 in which the old crux (*255)mara/i-ia-ní- is interpreted as a reflex of PIE *mori- ‘sea, lake’ and verb ARḪA ma-ki-sa- as ‘drain’ (etymologically connected with PIE *mok- ‘wet’). A separate section (§ 3) discusses the semantics of the suffix -an- seen in mariyani- and its relationship to the ‘Hoffmann suffix’ (-Hon-).
The present paper explores the evidence of the Hieroglyphic-Luwian inscription PORSUK from ethnol... more The present paper explores the evidence of the Hieroglyphic-Luwian inscription PORSUK from ethnolinguistic, epigraphic and historical perspectives. It is suggested that the author of the inscription, Parḫuiras, son of Atis, is a Phrygian integrated into the Luwian linguistic and cultural milieu of South-Western Cappadocia. The name of his overlord, the king Masaur(a)ḫis(s)as, represents in all probability a Luwian adoption of Phrygian Masa Urgitos (name + patronymic) found in the Old-Phrygian inscription from Kerkenes Daǧ, which allows one to identify the latter as an early (8th century BC) East-Phrygian prince. It is further argued that Parḫuittas attested in the cuneiform letter KBo 18.18 as a (Great) King of a West-Anatolian land in a way associated with Wiluša (Troy) has a similar ethnocultural background, and can probably be identified as a king of the Late Broze Māša, and thus a predecessor of the Great King Ḫartapus
The article discusses a complex of questions associated with the king Ḫartapus and early culture ... more The article discusses a complex of questions associated with the king Ḫartapus and early culture of the Phrygians. § § 1-3 revise the evidence of the newly discovered HLuw. inscription TÜ RKMEN-KARAHÖ YÜ K, arguing that the correct reading of king's name in the first line is AQUILA+ra/i-tá-pu-sa = Ḫartapus, and (once again) that the king is not a conqueror, but a native king of Masa or Muška, who reigned in the late 2 nd millennium BC. In § § 4-5 it is suggested that HLuw. Ḫartapus conceals an early Phrygian name preserved in the toponym *Γαρδιβιον (*Γαρδυβιον) attested in the inscriptions of the Xenoi Tekmoreioi. § § 6-11 argue that the name *Gardabos is connected with Sanskrit gardabhá-'donkey', that it corresponds semantically to the west-Anatolian names Tarkasnawas and Tarkašnalliš, and that donkey ears of King Midas are a late 'refraction' of this fact. § 12 discusses the morphological structure of *Gardabos, revising the PIE suffix *-b h o-and suggesting new cognates for Skr. gard-'shout' (Armenian kard-and Baltic gerd-). § § 13-14 discuss a probable steppe background of the 'donkey-names'. In § 15 it is suggested that Phrygian name Gordis is based on the same root as *Gardabos, and some relevant Phrygian epigraphical evidence is presented. § 16 discusses a further probable Anatolian 'donkey-name', Mugallu and its likely cognate μύκαλος. § § 17-18 touch upon the etymology of the ethnic names Masa and Muška, connecting them with the word for 'mule' preserved in the modern Balkan languages (Alb. mushk(ë) etc.), and, more speculatively, with the old Balkan word for 'horse' (*me(n)za-). § 19 argues that the ethnic name Φρύγες may have a similar original meaning, going back to another Balkan term for 'donkey', βρικός.
The paper examines consequences of the reading of the HLuw. combination FONS.*311 as luliyasḫa- ‘... more The paper examines consequences of the reading of the HLuw. combination FONS.*311 as luliyasḫa- ‘swamp, marshland’ proposed by the author in an earlier publication. The identification suggests for the sign *311 a phonetic reading <ASḪA>, which sheds new light on several words spelled with the sign and the contexts in which they appear. In particular, the word (*476.*311)ḫi-ru-r- (ASSUR letter f+g, § 7) can now be re-read as (*476)ASḪA-ḫi-ru-r- and recognized as a derivative based on the Luw. counterpart of Hitt. išḫaḫru- (ēšḫaḫru-) ‘tear’; the sign *476 can be identified, accordingly, as an ideogram/logogram for ‘eyes’ (§ 2). § 3 discusses *wala-unta and other verbal forms in -unta suggesting that they most probably represent infinitives etymologically related to the Hitt. infinitives in -wanzi. § 4 discusses the preceding clause of the same letter (§ 6), proposing to interpret “*474”-ḫi- as ‘body, torso’ (= wassinaḫid-), (BRACCHIUM)ḫu-mi+ra/i as ‘upper arms’ and zi-ku-na- as the name of an instrument (or an activity) associated with harvesting. § 5 argues for an interpretation of the word ḫa-tu-ra+a frequently attested in Luw. letters as ‘health’ (contra earlier connection with ‘writing’). §§ 6-8 discuss other contexts in HLuw. texts likely associated with ‘shedding tears’ (KARKAMIŠ A17c, § 5; YUNUS § 3; KARKAMIŠ A5a, § 9). § 9 proposes to identify in (“*476.*311”)a-li-ia- and (“*476”)LOCUS-li-ia- the Luwian verb ‘cry, wail’ (phonetically alaliya-). §§ 10-11 address the question of graphical etymology of *311 and *351. § 12 discusses the meaning of tawasḫa- and § 13 adds observations on the picto- graphic origin of *476 (= OCULI) and LITUUS, suggesting that the latter is simply a graphical variant of OCULUS
Journal of Language Relationship, 18/1: 13-40 , 2020
The paper offers an overview of the ethnolinguistic and sociolinguistic contact in Lycia in the L... more The paper offers an overview of the ethnolinguistic and sociolinguistic contact in Lycia in the Late Bronze and the Early Iron Age (ca. 1400-330 BC) resulting from the sea-borne connections of the region. Following a brief sketch of the Lycian geography and definition of its 'ethnocultural interfaces' (§1), the discussion concentrates in turn on the southern coasts of Caria and Rhodos, also touching upon the question of the ethnic names of the Lycians, Lukkā/Λύκιοι and Trmmile/i (§2), Pamphylia (§3), Rough Cilicia (§4), the Levant (§5) and the Aegean (§6). The section on the Aegean offers a revision of the evidence on Greek-Lycian contacts and suggests a new explanatory scenario accounting for the paradoxical situation where an insignificant number of lexical borrowings contrasts with evidence for a deep structural influence of Greek on Lycian.
The first part of the paper (§§1-3) discusses phonetic reading of
Hieroglyphic Luwian word for ‘p... more The first part of the paper (§§1-3) discusses phonetic reading of
Hieroglyphic Luwian word for ‘place/plot of land’ found in the form LOCUS- la/i-t- (vel sim.). It is argued that the spellings of the word are incompatible with the reading *pidant- traditionally assumed on the basis of Hittite evidence (peda- < PIE *pédo-). Instead, it is suggested that the Luwian word has to be read as alad-, representing probably a suffixal extension of root ala- (āla-), of which HLuw. alawa- may represent a further derivative. This suggestion allows one to re-address the thorny problem of precise meaning of Lycian terms alaha- and aladehali (§4), which can now be interpreted as ‘to let somebody (into) a place’ > ‘concede’ (= Greek συγχωρῆσαι) and ‘concession/transferral’ respectively. §5 addresses the problem of formal interpretation of aladehxxãne and argues for identification of a Lycian nominal suffix -(a)xa- likely connected with PIE *-eh2. The last part of the paper (§6) revisits the interpretation of term miñti- suggesting that it refers to ‘all adult (male) population of a polis’ and thus closely corresponds to Greek
δῆμος.
This paper reexamines the problem of the localization of one of the most significant episodes of ... more This paper reexamines the problem of the localization of one of the most significant episodes of the Arzawan campaigns of Muršili II, which took place around 1318–1317 BC and revolved around Mount Arinnanda and the city of Puranda. Instead of the traditional localization of Arinnanda and Puranda in the vicinity of Abaša/Ephesus, it is argued that the events are to be set in the Knidian peninsula (southwestern Caria). This is supported both by the localization in southern Caria of Attarimma, Ḫuršanašša and Šuruda, the three cities from which the refugees of the episode originate (Oreshko 2019), and by the identification of Puranda with Πύρινδος, a locality associated in several Greek inscriptions with Knidos.
The paper revises phonetic interpretation of the Lydian letter 𐤣 traditionally transliterated as ... more The paper revises phonetic interpretation of the Lydian letter 𐤣 traditionally transliterated as <d> and commonly read as ð. It is argued that the unconditioned phonetic development PIE *i̯ > ð claimed for Lydian, which is allegedly responsible for the complete loss of the palatal approximant in the language, represents from a phonetic-typological point of view a highly unlikely process. Instead, it is proposed that Lydian 𐤣 renders synchronic i̯ and its initial incorrect interpretation as <d> is due to the sporadical fortition of the Lydian approximant in the cluster -rj- > -rð-. The arguments for this are presented in the first part of the paper which analyzes the evidence of the Lydian phonetic system (§2), alphabet (§3) and synchronous onomastic evidence (§4). The second part of the paper deals with the issue arising from the re-definition of 𐤣 as <j> and discusses the development of PIE *d in Lydian. It is argued that Lydian demonstrates the phenomenon of lenition *d > i̯ in weak positions, which is contrasted with a development *d > l in strong positions and probable retention of PIE *d in clusters.
The paper offers a revision of some problematic points concerning the historical geography of wes... more The paper offers a revision of some problematic points concerning the historical geography of western Anatolia around 1400-1250 BC as reflected in Hittite texts. The first part (§§1-4) puts forward linguistic and historical arguments against the common association of Gar(a)giša/ Gargiya with Caria, arguing instead for a location in the central Troad and possible connection with Gergithes, also touching upon the question of composition and extent of the so-called ‘Assuwa coalition’. The second part (§§5-6) discusses the historical geography of the LBA Caria, revising some old and offering new identifications of toponyms. In particular, it is argued that Waliwanda cannot be equated with Alabanda (instead = Polybotos); that the toponymic cluster Attarima, Hu(wa)rsanassa, Suruda and Ama[...] is connected with the Carian Chersonesos; that Mudamudassa is possibly identical with Medmasos (rather than Mylasa) and Ura with Uranion. As a conclusion, the questions of the original extent of Arzawa and the chronology of the Hittite involvement in western Anatolia are addressed.
The topic of the present contribution is two ethnic terms of likely Aegean origin specified in th... more The topic of the present contribution is two ethnic terms of likely Aegean origin specified in the title, which appear, in different guises, in written sources of the late 2nd and early 1st millennium BC across the entire Eastern Mediterranean, from Egypt in the South to the Levant to Cilicia in the North (besides the Aegean itself). My discussion of them will be, however, not quite the same. As for the first one, Ahhiyawa or Hiyawa, I will summarize the recent discussion revolving around recognition of this name in the Hieroglyphic-Luwian inscription KARATEPE, adding some details and placing it in a more general historical context. The second and central part of the paper will concern Danu(na), in which a full linguistic reassessment of this term and a revision of different sources which mention it will be offered. The third part will discuss the distinction between the two terms, also touching upon the problem of ethnolinguistic boundaries in Late Bronze Age Greece.
The paper addresses the question of the presence of Anatolian influence in Early Greek (conventio... more The paper addresses the question of the presence of Anatolian influence in Early Greek (conventionally, about 1500–800 BC). The first part addresses methodological questions of language contact, such as mechanisms of linguistic interaction and the scale of borrowings. In the second part, eleven important cases of presumable Anatolian lexical borrowings in Greek are critically analyzed. The results of the analysis suggest that the Anatolian influence on the vocabulary of Early Greek was minimal (if any), which strongly speaks against the possibility of influences in morphology, phonetics or phraseology.
The paper presents results of collations of two Hieroglyphic-Luwian inscriptions of king Hartapu ... more The paper presents results of collations of two Hieroglyphic-Luwian inscriptions of king Hartapu found in Central Anatolia and belonging to the post-Empire period (12 th /11 th century BC). In BURUNKAYA the improvements include: 1) identification of the first sign in the king's name as a separate sign (instead of earlier <há+ra/i>), probably L.417; 2) reading of one of the titles of the king as (DEUS)TONITRUS PURUS2-za/i (or EUNUCHUS2-za/i, phonetically kummaza) 'priest of the Storm-God'; 3) identification of a part of the sign URBS/REGIO in the second line of the inscription. In KIZILDAĞ 4 the discussion focuses on the central weathered part of the second line (§ 3); here, traces of two signs ANIMAL and of an animal head could be identified, which, in combination with other indications, allow the passage to be interpreted as an appeal to different visitors of the site to offer sacrificial animals to the Celestial Storm-God.
The paper presents a re-interpretation of two longer Hieroglyphic-Luwian inscriptions from the gr... more The paper presents a re-interpretation of two longer Hieroglyphic-Luwian inscriptions from the group attributed to king Hartapu (KIZILDAĞ 4, § 2 and KARADAĞ 1). It is argued that this king should be identified as a king of Maša rather than that of Ḫatti or Tarḫundašša, which, in view of the probable dating of his monuments to 12 th –11 th centuries BC, has important implications for the history of Anatolia after the fall of the Hittite Empire. The new attribution of the inscriptions also allows the old controversy concerning the dating of the relief of the king on the so-called 'Throne' to be reconsidered. Observations on the other monument of Hartapu, the 'stepped altar', support the connection of the KIZILDAĞ-KARADAĞ group with a foreign (non-Hittite and non-Luwian) tradition, yielding insight into the question of ethno-linguistic identity of Maša.
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Books by Rostyslav Oreshko
Papers by Rostyslav Oreshko
Hieroglyphic Luwian word for ‘place/plot of land’ found in the form LOCUS- la/i-t- (vel sim.). It is argued that the spellings of the word are incompatible with the reading *pidant- traditionally assumed on the basis of Hittite evidence (peda- < PIE *pédo-). Instead, it is suggested that the Luwian word has to be read as alad-, representing probably a suffixal extension of root ala- (āla-), of which HLuw. alawa- may represent a further derivative. This suggestion allows one to re-address the thorny problem of precise meaning of Lycian terms alaha- and aladehali (§4), which can now be interpreted as ‘to let somebody (into) a place’ > ‘concede’ (= Greek συγχωρῆσαι) and ‘concession/transferral’ respectively. §5 addresses the problem of formal interpretation of aladehxxãne and argues for identification of a Lycian nominal suffix -(a)xa- likely connected with PIE *-eh2. The last part of the paper (§6) revisits the interpretation of term miñti- suggesting that it refers to ‘all adult (male) population of a polis’ and thus closely corresponds to Greek
δῆμος.
Hieroglyphic Luwian word for ‘place/plot of land’ found in the form LOCUS- la/i-t- (vel sim.). It is argued that the spellings of the word are incompatible with the reading *pidant- traditionally assumed on the basis of Hittite evidence (peda- < PIE *pédo-). Instead, it is suggested that the Luwian word has to be read as alad-, representing probably a suffixal extension of root ala- (āla-), of which HLuw. alawa- may represent a further derivative. This suggestion allows one to re-address the thorny problem of precise meaning of Lycian terms alaha- and aladehali (§4), which can now be interpreted as ‘to let somebody (into) a place’ > ‘concede’ (= Greek συγχωρῆσαι) and ‘concession/transferral’ respectively. §5 addresses the problem of formal interpretation of aladehxxãne and argues for identification of a Lycian nominal suffix -(a)xa- likely connected with PIE *-eh2. The last part of the paper (§6) revisits the interpretation of term miñti- suggesting that it refers to ‘all adult (male) population of a polis’ and thus closely corresponds to Greek
δῆμος.
In addressing these and other names of the Lydian gods I will ask which scenario can best explain the evidence. If it is indeed a phenomenon induced by Greek-Lydian contact, as commonly assumed, then when and exactly where did it happen, and how it was possible that
even secondary (as Demeter) and rather specific (as Dionysos) deities have been adopted? And why did it not happen in neighboring Caria? There are, however, also alternative scenarios. For instance, one may also imagine that the ‘Greek-looking’ deities have been brought to Lydia not by the Greeks, but by the Phrygians, the new-comers to Anatolia from the Balkans who should have shared with the Greeks common features in religion and cult and with whom the Lydians should have had a much more intense contact than with the Greeks. Finally, we may ask if we are right in defining Lydians as ‘Anatolians’ guided solely by linguistic criteria? Might it be more sensible to regard the Lydians as a ‘mixed people’ who combined several ethnocultural strands coming from different directions and to see in the ‘Aegean-Balkan’ religion of the Lydians no less an essential part of their identity than their – at least in its core – Anatolian language?
The present contribution questions the current definition of the Lydians as ‘an Anatolian people’ by analyzing personal names transmitted in the Lydian inscriptions (and, to a lesser degree, in Greek texts), elaborating thus the ideas presented recently in a lecture on the Lydian pantheon (‘Gods of the Lydians, Greco-Lydian Contact and the Problem of Lydian Ethno-Linguistic Identity’, held on the conference ‘In Search of the Golden Fleece’, Oxford, 27-28 January, 2017). I will argue that the personal onomastic of the Lydians – an arguably important ethno-linguistic marker – demonstrates striking discrepancies with the onomastic traditions of the Hittites and the Luwic peoples, both on the level of individual roots and in structure. The picture, closely mirroring that found in the Lydian pantheon, suggests the presence of a strong – possibly even dominant – non-Anatolian component in the Lydian identity.
The aim of the present paper is to give a systematic survey of the phaenomena in the Homeric language which may be associated with Anatolian substratum influence, submitting every case to careful scrutiny. The two main questions which will be addressed are whether it is indeed possible to speak about Anatolian influence on early Greek in general and whether it is possible to separate an Anatolian strand specifically in the Homeric language. However, several more general questions will be touched upon as well, such as: do the postulated influences of the Anatolian oral tradition on the Greek one make it necessary an assumption of a direct linguistic influence? Is western Anatolia the likeliest place where the putative interference of the two traditions might have taken place or there are alternative candidates for it? If still it is, is it possible to specify the region in western Anatolia where the contact was most likely and, accordingly, is it possible to speak, for instance, about specifically ‘Lydian’ or specifically ‘Luwic’ influence?
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